Traditionally, Tibetan women enjoyed a higher social status than their counterparts in many other societies. They also played an active part in the affairs of family and society. Since the occupation of Tibet by Chinese military forces, Tibetan women have suffered oppression, exploitation, subjugation and discrimination.

Women in occupied-Tibet are the innocent victims of the policies of a powerful force that seeks to completely wipe out the Tibetan national identity. While the world debates the legitimacy and morality of abortions, women in Tibet are subjected to involuntary and forced abortions and sterilizations, designed to reduce the growth of the Tibetan population as part of a larger strategy to destroy Tibetan national and ethnic identity. Abortions and sterilizations are conducted without adequate medical facilities or in unhygienic conditions. Furthermore, Tibetan women suffer disadvantage in areas of education, employment, health and administrative services.

Tibetan women also played a leading role in the Tibetan national movement and they continue to oppose the Chinese colonial rule in Tibet as a result of which they are subjected to arbitrary arrests, long prison sentences without trial, severe torture and abuse in police custody. Many women prisoners of conscience, including teenagers, have succumbed to death from severe torture in custody.

Tibetan women in exile also suffered as a result of displacement and dislocation of normal life. However, in comparison with those in Tibet, women in exile enjoyed equal opportunity in education and job. They were given special consideration in political representation to encourage greater role in public affairs.

We hope that this brief report on Tibetan women will give an overall view of the status of women in Tibetan society and in particular the true situation of women in occupied-Tibet. When the women's conference is taking place in Beijing, it is important to have a closer look at the actual situation of Tibetan women living under Chinese occupation.

Tempa Tsering
Secretary
Department of Information and International Relations
Central Tibetan Administration
Dharamsala India

TIBETAN women before the Chinese occupation belonged to a distinct culture which has been preserved in exile. Today the Chinese law dictates that Tibetan culture can only be exercised within the parameters of Chinese rule.

It is necessary gain an understanding of the history of Tibetan women to understand the situation and plight of Tibetan women today.

In the annals of Suishu and T'ang shu-Sui and T'ang dynasty (around the second century AD), there is a reference to the existence of a "women's kingdom" in southeastern Tibet. In this kingdom, the society is described as being matriarchal and matrilineal where political power appeared to have been in the hands of women. Matriliny is also suggested in a Tibetan text of aphorisms from Tun-huang that may be connected to a female-dominated society of the fifth century Sum-pa people. In Tibetan history one also finds that there were times when certain individual women played prominent roles in determining the social development of the Tibetan nation. The mothers of the Tibetan emperors in the period between the seventh and the ninth centuries AD, for instance, are believed to have played active roles in the polity of the state.

In the recent past also Tibetan women have proved themselves to be able administrators and courageous warriors. Miu Gyalmo Palchen Tso took over the work of her ailing husband and governed the province of Amdo with amazing energy. She was a great warrior and shrewd administrator. Similarly Jago Tsewang Dolma was an influential woman and far-sighted administrator in the court of Derge, Kham. Khangsar Yangchen Dolma was a brilliant warrior and chief of the Karze area in Kham, eastern Tibet. Ngarong Chime Dolma was another powerful and brave officer who personally led her soldiers into battlefields with great success. However, she was later captured and killed by the Chinese forces.

Before 1949, Tibetans engaged in a mixed economy consisting of agriculture, animal husbandry and trade. Both men and women engaged in all three activities. Women contributed significantly to agricultural and pastoral pursuits and also engaged in trading activities, in which they held the major decision-making authority. There was some division of labor along gender lines. It was, however, not rigid. A woman's economic contribution to the household was considered significant. Because of the tendency towards extensive social and economic equality in our society, there was no sharply defined division between the kind of work to be done by men and women. In fact, a certain flexibility was prevalent and the division of labor was seen as complementary rather than exploitative.

We can also gain an insight into the position of women by looking at the patterns of marriage and household organization. Marriage arrangements included monogamous, polyandrous and polygamous alliances. Divorce and remarriage (including widow marriage) were acceptable. Polygamy was just as common as polyandry, though both were by no means widespread. They were accepted in some regions to sustain family and social networks and to keep estates undivided, without infringing the rights to which men and women were accustomed. Arranged marriages were the norm but only the daughter, upon marriage, would remain with her family. Her husband would enter her family. Then, upon the death of the household head, the daughter, and not her husband, would head the family estate. At the same time, the possibility of remaining unmarried was open to both men and women.

Buddhism played a significant role in the lives of Tibetan women. Although the number of monks is greater than that of nuns, becoming a nun provided an alternative and positive role for women in society. Becoming a nun was a matter of choice. Prior to 1959, there were 270 nunneries with over 15,600 nuns throughout Tibet. Besides, many nuns lived in small groups in retreat communities or hermitages.

The Chinese authorities have time and again tried to portray traditional Tibetan society in a negative light to legitimize their "liberation of a nation which endured in backwardness even in this modern age". It is true that in the past Tibetan women did not feature prominently in the political and administrative aspects of Tibetan history. However, all the great nations of today went through periods of feudalism, slavery, casteism and other medieval evils. At no point of history were the Tibetan women subjected to foot-binding, veiling, dowry or concubinage. It is not fair to compare the status of Tibetan women in the past to that of present under Chinese occupation. It is more justified to compare Tibetan women in Tibet with their counterparts in exile. The women in Tibet enjoy none of the human rights and freedom that are taken for granted in exile.

THE Fourth World Conference on Women will be placing the feminization of poverty high on its agenda. The conference, whilst discussing these problems, should also take into account the feminization of poverty from the perspective of women in occupied countries who are being discriminated against on the basis of both their sex and race.

Tibetan women experience poverty different from that of their male counterparts. Tibetan women need social support systems for health, family planning and education. Abject poverty exposes Tibetan women to extreme hardship in gaining employment and educational opportunities. As household members, women find it difficult to obtain even the most basic amenities for sustaining their families. So much so that the third Tibetan official fact-finding mission from Dharamsala was told by a woman in Tibet that she had to feed her baby with the soup made of her own blood.

As long as China controls Tibetan economy to serve the interest of the Chinese, Tibetan women will not be able to participate in in economic decision-making processes that affect their future lives. They will continue to be hamstrung by the lack of access to education, health services, employment and participation in development projects.

6.2.a. Tibetan women and education

EDUCATION in Tibet today is neither free nor universally available. Overwhelming numbers of Tibetan girls still do not go to school either because there are no schools or, where they are available, parents cannot afford the fees.

6.2.b. Education before the Chinese invasion

IN independent Tibetthere were over 6,259 monasteries and nunneries which served as schools and universities, fulfilling Tibet's unique education needs. Drepung monastery in Lhasa alone had at any given time over 10,000 students coming mostly from the peasantry. In addition there was a sizable network of private and government schools all over Tibet.

6.2.b.i. Education in Tibet today

Of the over six thousand traditional institutes of learning, only thirteen survived the Chinese destruction. An overwhelming number of them are still heaps of rubble and their rebuilding or renovation is strictly under Chinese censorship. Similarly, almost all the learned scholars and teachers, the human repositories of Tibet's rich religious philosophical, intellectual and literary heritage, were persecuted. Most of them were executed or died under various forms of torture or incarceration.

Education policies inside Tibet today serve to favour Chinese as the medium for teaching. The cost of education is high and many places are reserved for Chinese settlers as a part of the incentive package to encourage more Chinese to move into Tibet. Tibetan women and girls are, therefore, escaping Tibet everyday to seek an adequate education in India, the seat of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.

According to UNICEF, illiteracy rate is seventy three percent in Tibet as against thirty one percent in China.(15) Amnesty International in a recently published report stated that:

"Only sixty percent of school age children attend schools in the TAR, according to Chinese Press reports".(16) Members of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile's third fact-finding delegation (on education) to Tibet were told by the Chinese Government that there were 2,511 schools in Tibet. However, Mrs Jetsun Pema, leader of the delegation says:

"Wherever we went it was extremely difficult to arrange a visit to a school. "The school is closed for summer vacation, the headmaster is away, the children have gone for lunch" (at 10:am), were some of the excuses. After one such excuse the delegation looked into the classrooms and found them stacked from floor to ceiling with timber. Another time, on being shown a rural tent classroom, the delegates lifted the groundsheet and found the grass still green underneath".

While the Chinese in Tibet study English right from the Primary school stage, Tibetans are taught this language only when they reach the third year at Upper Middle School level.

John Billington, Director of studies at Repton School in England, travelled extensively through Tibet in 1988 and reported the following :

"In rural areas especially, a large number of children can be seen working in the fields cutting grass, herding sheep, collecting yak dung and working at stalls. Enquiry reveals that they do not go to school, in most cases because no schools exist. It was sad to hear older people say that there had been schools in the past attached to a monastery, but that when the monasteries were destroyed the little rural schools have not been replaced. Well off the beaten track, I met elderly nomads who could read and write; it was too often a brutal reminder of Chinese neglect that their grandchildren could not".

There have been several demonstrations staged by the students in Tibet in recent years to protest against the high costs of education, discrimination against Tibetan students and Tibetan studies, poor educational facilities and the lack of basic sanitation in the existing schools.

The medium of teaching from Middle School level upwards is Chinese even in an area where the Chinese Government claims by its 1990 census that 95.46 percent of the population is Tibetan.

The first Australian Human Rights Delegation to China in July 1991 stated in its report:

"Though the delegation noted an official determination to raise educational standards for Tibetans, many Tibetan children appear to still go without formal education. Tibetan children in Lhasa area seemingly have access to a very limited syllabus at both primary and secondary levels. Some testified to never having been at school, or having to leave for economic reasons as early as ten years old".

In a petition, dated February 20, 1986, submitted to the Chinese authorities, Tashi Tsering, an English teacher at Lhasa's Tibet University, stated:

"In 1979, 600 students from the Tibet Autonomous Region were pursuing university education in Tibet and China. Of them, only 60 were Tibetans. In 1984 Tibet's three big schools had 1,984 students on their rolls, out of which only 666 were Tibetans. In the same year 250 students from Tibet may have been sent to universities in the Mainland. But only 60 to 70 of them were Tibetans... Most of the government outlay meant for Tibetan education is used on Chinese students. Even today, 70 per cent of Tibetans are illiterate.

"Out of 28 classes in Lhasa's Middle School No. 1, 12 are for Tibetans.... Out of 1,451 students, 933 are Tibetans and 518 Chinese. Not only are the Chinese students not learning Tibetan, 387 of the Tibetan students are not learning Tibetan either. Only 546 Tibetans are learning their language. Of the 111 teachers, only 30 are Tibetans and seven teach Tibetan. I have heard that the best qualified teachers are assigned to teach the Chinese classes whereas unqualified teachers teach the Tibetan classes.

"In Lhasa's Tibet University, there are 413 Tibetan students and 258 Chinese. 251 Tibetans are in the Tibetan language and Literature stream and 27 in the Tibetan Medical Studies Stream. Only 135 Tibetan students get to study modern subjects... The Tibetan departments are generally known as the 'Departments of Political Manipulation'. This is because, while the authorities have fixed 60 percent of seats for Tibetan students and 40 per cent for Chinese students, most of the Tibetan students are absorbed into these two Tibetan departments, leaving the majority of the seats in modern education streams to the Chinese.... The English Department of this University has two Tibetan students and fourteen Chinese".

Tibetan women are denied their basic cultural rights to learn and speak their own language. On the Tibetan new year day of 1993, women prisoners in Lhasa's Drapchi prison were not allowed to wear the traditional Tibetan dress. When the prisoners complained about this, they were subjected to brutal beatings.

From 1966 onwards complete sinicization became the watchword. The Tibetan language was labelled as the language of religion and the teaching of the Tibetan language was forbidden. Some time in the 1960s monk and nun teachers as well as qualified lay Tibetan teachers were nearly all ordered to leave their teaching jobs. "Fluency in the Chinese language has become a prerequisite for obtaining employment, even for unskilled positions. This provides little incentive for young Tibetans to become proficient in their own language. In fact, opportunities to learn Tibetan are limited, as entrance examinations to upper level schools are conducted in the Chinese language.

(17) Every year a certain number of university seats in Tibet and China are officially reserved for "Tibetan" students and this financial allocation forms part of the budget for Tibetan education. However, the majority of these seats go to Chinese students due only to the fact that they have finished school in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), or owing to their Tibet residency registration. Thus the real beneficiaries of educational opportunities are the Tibet- resident Chinese. Even scholarships to study abroad, meant for Tibetan students, go to Chinese residents in Tibet because they are deemed Tibetan due to their residential status. Since the early 1980s well over 6,000 children have risked everything to journey across the Himalayas to India in the hope that they may receive in exile what they have been denied back home: education. Many children escaping across the Himalayas have been unaccompanied minors. The UNHCR office in Kathmandu registered thirty such minors in the first two months of 1995 alone. These children are lucky; many such minors have been reported missing along the escape route. During their arduous journey many children have suffered frostbite; others have been drowned while trying to negotiate dangerous rivers along the escape route. Some children have succeeded in their escape only after several failed attempts.

In order to reverse the tide of escaping Tibetan youngsters, the Chinese authorities in Lhasa issued orders in August 1994 to Tibetan government officials and employees instructing them to recall their children to Tibet. Warnings were issued that those who failed to obey the order would be demoted or possibly expelled from their jobs, that their promotions and pay increments would be withheld, and cadres would be expelled from the party. The ban is not restricted to cadres and government employees alone, the order also stated that students presently being educated in India would lose their right to a residence permit if they did not return to Tibet within the stipulated time.

The Women's desk of the Department of Information and International Relations recently interviewed women who have just escaped from Tibet. All those interviewed cited the absence of educational opportunities and freedom as thereason for their escape.

6.2.c. Tibetan women and health

TIBETAN women, like women in many other countries, suffer from low levels of health care as a result of economic, social and political factors such as foreign occupation. In occupied Tibet, the health service is not only urban-biased, but also serves the Chinese colonists and the rich better than the predominantly poor Tibetans. Only ten percent of financial outlay for health goes to rural areas: ninety percent goes to urban centers where Chinese settlers are concentrated and where most hospitals are located. Even when available, medical facilities are prohibitively expensive for most Tibetans.

Admission to a hospital as an in-patient requires a deposit from 300 to 500 yuan (U.S.$ 80 to 133), an impossible fee for a population whose average per capita income is 200 yuan. Likewise, surgery and blood transfusions are reserved only for those who can pay. The average Tibetan is economically disadvantaged against Chinese who receive "hardship posting" subsidies.

A Swedish delegation to Tibet reported in 1994 that:

"There were only 10,000 trained doctors in the whole of Tibet and there was a considerable shortage of staff in the rural areas and small communities. The number of doctors was just over two per thousand inhabitants."(18)

That mortality rate for Tibetans is much higher than Chinese is a pointer to the poor health service and the low standards of public hygiene in Tibet. In 1981 crude death rates per thousand were 7.48 in the Tibet Autonomous Region and 9.92 in Amdo, as against an average of 6.6 in China, according to the report of the World Bank in 1984 and the UNDP in 1991. Child mortality rates are also high: 150 per thousand in Tibet against forty three for China. The tuberculosis morbidity rate, according to the World Bank, is 120.2 per 1,000 in Tibet Autonomous Region and 647 per 1,000 in Amdo.

6.2.c.i. Pregnancy and medical abuse:

THERE have been numerous reports of Chinese doctors and health personnel using Tibetan patients as guinea pigs to practice their skills. It is commonplace that Chinese medical graduates sent to Tibet for internship are given independent charge of Tibetan patients whom they are free to treat in any way they wish. There are widespread allegations of common Tibetan patients being subjected to examination for diseases other than those they complained of. Especially, operations are being carried out without any obvious or actual need.

In August 1978, Kalsang (from eastern Tibet) and his wife Youdon took their 21-year old daughter, who was three months pregnant, to the "TAR Hospital No.2" (then known as Worker's Hospital)&for; an examination. The Chinese doctor carried out an apparently unnecessary operation on her. She died two hours later, crying in great physical agony.

Again, around the same period, when a worker named Migmar of the Lhasa Electric Power Station took his 25-year old wife to Lhasa City Hospital for delivery, both the mother and child died after a failed attempt at a caesarian delivery. When the mother's body was dismembered at her "sky burial" (an ancient Tibetan practice of feeding the dismembered parts of the deceased to vultures) a pair of scissors were discovered in her body.

Sometime in August 1994, Pasang, 23, went to the People's Hospital in Lhasa to give birth. A doctor reportedly told Pasang's mother that because the expectant mother was too weak and the child too big, delivery was impossible without operating. After about three hours the doctor announced to the mother that Pasang died due to hypertension. While preparing for sky burial, the family instructed the 'tobden' (men who dispose bodies) to find out the cause of death. The 'tobden' reported to the family that the heart, liver and womb of the deceased were quite clearly missing. On hearing this, Pasang's family reportedly took the matter to court. To date there is no report of the judicial fate of this case.

6.2.c.ii. Medical neglect in Chinese prisons

MANY former Tibetan women political prisoners have reported suffering injuries due to beatings and illness from the generally poor conditions in prison. Injuries sustained include broken ribs, partial deafness, broken arms, chronic headaches and nausea. When women are sexually violated with electric cattle prods, the consequences for women can be severe both in the short and long term. A report jointly issued by LawAsia and TIN in 1991, stated that: "reports consistently suggest that medical care in the prisons is inadequate, limited to very basic first aid for what are sometimes serious injuries or illnesses. "When a doctor was allowed to visit", said a forty-two-year old man who spent nine months at Gurtsa in 1988, "one or two tablets were given. They said we were reactionaries, that we were enemies of the people and deserved no treatment".(19)

6.2.c.iii. Threats to women's health due to life-threatening toxic materials, environmental hazards

Duirng the 1960s and 1970s, nuclear waste from the "Ninth Academy", China's primary nuclear weapons research and design facility site on the Tibetan Plateau in Haibei Province, was disposed of in a haphazard and unregulated way, posing enormous danger to those who lived nearby. Reports from areas of Amdo describe the mysterious pollution of land and water and widespread human and animal deaths. In Jampakok and Kharkok, over fifty Tibetans have died inexplicably since 1987 after being affected by severe fever, vomiting and dysentery. Significantly large numbers of deformed births are also reported from areas around Qinghai in Amdo and Nagchu in U-Tsang.

Nuclear dumping poses a serious threat to human life and ecological environment. Child-bearing women and children are specially susceptible. The effects of nuclear dumping range from mild sickness to death and deformity at birth. At the time, when the international community is making all efforts in creating and maintaining a clean environment, China is conveniently dumping its nuclear wastes in Tibet without the least care for its ill effects on life and environment in Tibet.

A high proportion of Tibetan villagers living near the mine in Ngaba Prefecture have reportedly died after drinking water polluted by waste by the uranium mines, according to information gathered by the London-based Tibet Information Network.(20) In the past three years at least thirty five of the approximately 500 people in the village have died within a few hours of developing fever, followed by a distinctive form of diarrhea; six victims died within three days of each other. There have reportedly not been such deaths in the villages located farther away from the mines, a villager said.(21)

The most likely sites for such dumps are in the northern plateau of Chang Thang, where large areas have been closed off by the Chinese army, and near Nyakchuka where China has set up a nuclear test facility. The method of storage is not known, although surface storage is suspected since China has no proper underground storage facility.

6.2.d. Tibetan women and unemployment

THE increased economic activity in Tibet has not substantially increased employment opportunities for Tibetans. To the contrary, Chinese workers are encouraged, via a system of incentives such as attractive subsidies, relaxation of the one-child policy, and higher wages to come to Tibet to work on development projects. These workers are comprised not only of technicians and specialized personnel, but include unskilled laborers.(22) As a consequence, unemployment is becoming endemic amongst Tibetans, especially for Tibetan women who face double discrimination.

IT has been estimated by the United Nations that there are currently million refugees in the world. More than eighty percent of refugees are women and children.(23) Amnesty International, in a recently published report on the world's women, stated that: "There is no doubt that refugee women, particularly those on their own, are more vulnerable to exploitation and deprivation of rights, at every stage of flight, than are refugee men, according to Anne Howarth-Wiles, UNHCR Senior Co-ordinator for refugee women".

(24) There are 130,000 Tibetan refugees residing in over thirty countries outside Tibet. During the year 1989-1993, about 10,626 refugees escaped from Tibet. The 1992 survey, conducted by the Planning Council of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, Dharamsala, shows that the male/female ratio among the Tibetan exile population in India is roughly 51:49. This composition of the Tibetan population also reveals the socio-cultural status of our women.

The Tibetan refugee community in India and Nepal has done so well that it is not only able to look after itself, but also provide educational opportunities to thousands of new refugees from Tibet to whom the Chinese government has not been able to give any educational opportunity. The success of the refugee community suggests that Tibetans in Tibet could do much better for themselves if they had the freedom to live their lives they deem fit. In 1995, the United Nations' Friends have recognized the Tibetan refugees as one of the fifty exemplary communities.

2.1 Employment

THE population of thirty eight Tibetan settlements in exile is 56,084 (29,686 males and 26,686 females). This represents eighty one percent of the total population in the settlements.

The unemployment (defined as not having any gainful work for over six months in a year) rate among the settlement population between the ages of sixteen and fifty is 18.5 percent. This figure, although high, corresponds to the fact that only 79.7 percent of the adult population is engaged in primary employment.

In the scattered communities, unemployment rate of 1.3 percent was recorded. This figure is clearly too low; however, it is to be expected that the unemployment rate would be less in scattered communities than in the settlements because many live in scattered communities because of better job opportunities there.

2.1.a. Primary employment

AMONG the exile population, 52.4 percent is engaged in primary employment, defined as being engaged in gainful work for more than six months of the year. Data on primary employment covering 29,368 working persons (15,524 males and 13,844 females) indicates that the ratio of the work force is 52.9 percent male and 47.1 percent female.

In exile, agriculture continues to be the primary occupation for a little less than half of the working population. This is expected as life in many settlements is organized around land cultivation. Other settlements have handicraft production as their focus, which explains the high percentage of the working population employed in carpet weaving. Carpet weaving is important as an occupation for women in particular. It is striking that the participation of women in the work force in the Tibetan refugee community is almost as high as that of men: 51.8 percent of the female population is employed as against 52.8 percent of the male population.

2.1.b Secondary employment

Data on secondary employment, covering 12,041 working persons (6352 males and 5689 females), indicate the profile of secondary occupations. Once again, female participation rate in secondary employment is almost as high as that for males. Among secondary occupations, agriculture is also the largest activity. This is partly because the lack of irrigation facilities confines agriculture to single crop cultivation.

Sweater-selling in autumn and winter seasons is the next largest activity _ just under a third of all women participate in it. This is a statistical corroboration of a well-known fact of life in the settlements.

2.1.c Affirmative action in exile

THE Tibetan Government-in-Exile has ensured the high participation rate of female workers in the government by ensuring that their rights are protected, and by adopting an affirmative action policy aimed at increasing the number of female government workers. At present Tibetan women constitute one-third of the total employees.

As provided under the Civil Service Code of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, Tibetan women employed in the administrative field receive equal pay for equal work.

The right to leave in connection with birth is laid down in the Civil Service Code, Clause 28 of Article 6. It states that a female employee may be granted from one to three months maternity leave with full pay.

2.2 Education

THE education of Tibetan refugee children is always a major source of concern for the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. His Holiness the Dalai Lama started the first school for Tibetan refugee children at Mussoorie on March 3, 1960. The Council for Tibetan Education was established to look after educational needs of refugee children. In May 1960, His Holiness the Dalai Lama started a nursery for orphaned and semi-orphaned children in Dharamsala, India. This nursery was placed under the care of his elder sister, the late Mrs Tsering Dolma. The following year the Tibetan Homes Foundation was started in Mussoorie for older orphans.

Traditionally, on account of the existing social set up, girls in Tibet received fewer educational opportunities than boys. However, in exile universal education has been an important priority and has influenced the lives of a great number of women, opening equal opportunities to them. Tibetan women have now made unprecedented strides in assuming positions of responsibility and leadership in exile.

In the field of religious education too, women are given equal opportunities to study and obtain the highest degree if they so wish to. Facilities and opportunities for the study of religion are being made avaivable by the Department of Culture and Religion and NGOs like Tibetan Nun's Project.

2.2.a School enrollment ratio

ACCORDING to the 1993-1994 school enrollment data collected by the Department of Education, there were 22,886 students in the eighty five Tibetan schools in India, Nepal and Bhutan. Female students constituted fifty one per cent of the total number of students.

2.2.b. School graduates

BETWEEN the years 1990 and 1993, a total of 1,642 Tibetan students completed their school. For every 100 male school graduates, there were 117 female school graduates. The choice of subjects however differed between male and female students. More male students chose commerce and science, while more female students opted for arts (humanity) and vocational studies. See Table 1.

School graduates (1990-1993)
Table 1