Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 2002 29/3–4
The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
The
Reikiki
and Initiations on Kami-Related Matters
(
jingi kanjõ
) in Late Medieval and Early-Modern Japan
Fabio R
AMBELLI
This article describes a set of rituals, closely related to esoteric Buddhist
initiations, in which imperial and kami symbols often replace Buddhist
ones. These rituals were at the basis of the transmission of knowledge and
practices concerning the kami within the larger framework of medieval
and early-modern kenmitsu religiosity, a form of applied honji suijaku.
Particularly important among these rituals is the role of Reiki kanjõ, the
secret initiation to the Reikiki, an inµuential but elusive key text of pre-
modern combinatory religion. After the Meiji period these ritual traditions
have been dismissed as syncretic aberrations from “pure” Buddhist or
Shinto orthodoxy, and have never been studied in depth. However, it was
within the context of esoteric kami initiations that the ³rst Shinto lineages
took concrete shape. Finally, this article also points out that while these rit-
ual traditions were of medieval origin, they reached their largest diffusion
in the early nineteenth century. This fact forces us to reconsider the estab-
lished image of Edo-period Shinto as a religion moving away from Bud-
dhism.
Keywords
: initiation rituals (
kanjõ
) — kami-related initiation rituals
(
jingi kanjõ
,
shintõ kanjõ
) —
honji suijaku
— Shingon —
Reikiki
I
N MEDIEVAL JAPAN
the transmission of all important texts and knowl-
edge in general was carried out through the performance of initiation
rituals (
kanjõ
!
™
). Originally,
kanjõ
was a typical esoteric Buddhist
ceremony that served to transmit doctrines and practices and sanc-
tioned the practitioners’ level of attainment. Around the end of the
Heian period, and more frequently in the Kamakura period, different
forms of
kanjõ
began to appear as kinds of secret initiation rituals
(
kuden
S
)
or
hiden
¸
)
) concerning peculiar esoteric texts, doctrines,
and rituals, often of heterodoxical nature, such as those of the
Tachikawaryð
C
ë
H
and Genshi kimyõdan
é
Š
o
f
;
ideas and prac-
tices.
1
Gradually, initiation rituals came to be performed also to trans-
mit knowledge concerning literary texts such as poetry collections
and the
Ise monogatari
Q
¤
]
B
(
waka kanjõ
É
H
!
™
), performing arts
(Nõ
ô
, music), professional tools and crafts, and so forth.
2
It is within this broader social and epistemological context that, in
the Kamakura period, initiation rituals on kami
P
texts and doctrines,
generally known as
shintõ kanjõ
P
Š
!
™
or
jingi kanjõ
P
•
!
™
, began
to develop.
3
The intellectual content of these rituals is usually consti-
tuted by oral instructions on and esoteric interpretations of myths
from the
Nihon shoki
Õ
û
–
w
. However, it is not the
Nihon shoki
but
another text, the
Reikiki
’
qz
, that seems to constitute the mythologi-
cal and ontological framework for such rituals. In fact, several
medieval authors explicitly point to the
Reikiki
as the origin of
shintõ
kanjõ
. It is therefore necessary to investigate this text in order to gain
a better understanding of these rituals and their intellectual context.
The reason for the development of such a wide range of initiation
rituals is not clear. I believe it was a consequence of the systematic
“mandalization” that was carried out in medieval Japan by esoteric
Buddhism as a way to establish a sort of cultural hegemony among the
intellectual elites. In such a framework, each text, each cultural arti-
fact, including non-religious ones, was understood as a potential eso-
teric symbol endowed with several levels of secret meanings. A
particular role was played by texts concerning kami issues, with their
emphasis on cosmology, cosmogony, and the speci³city of Japan. Ref-
erences to kami in these texts also added a layer of localness and con-
creteness to highly metaphysical Buddhist speculations.
The attainment of secret knowledge transmitted through initiation
rituals was a soteriologic goal, since it was equivalent to the attainment of
salvation (becoming a buddha or, in the case of
shintõ kanjõ
, identifying
oneself with the kami) and involved a promise of worldly bene³ts (out-
side of the religious world, this translated as professional and artistic suc-
cess); it was also a moral obligation as the realization of the essential
principles and duties of a speci³c craft or profession (and, at the same
time, the attainment of the “trade secrets” of a speci³c family lineage).
This article addresses Buddhist initiation rituals on kami-related
matters (
shintõ kanjõ
or
jingi kanjõ
) and initiation genealogies
1
On Tachikawaryð, see M
IZUHARA
1981; S
ANFORD
1991; M
ANABE
1999; on Genshi kimyõ-
dan and other Tendai initiation rituals, see S
TONE
1999, pp. 130–37.
2
On
waka kanjõ
see K
USHIDA
1979 pp. 523–30; K
LEIN
(forthcoming); on initiation rituals
for professions, see R
AMBELLI
(forthcoming b). On
kuden
in general, see I
SHIDA
1967;
K
UMAKURA
1988.
3
For a general introduction to rituals of this kind, see K
USHIDA
1964, pp. 233–328; 1979,
pp. 511–44.
266
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
(
kechimyaku
»
T
), especially as they developed the so-called Shingon
O
í
Shinto traditions of the Goryð
:
H
(centered at Murõ-ji
Ñ
´
±
in
the mountains east of Nara) and the Miwaryð
X
sH
(centered at
Byõdõ-ji
r
f
±
and Õmiwa-dera
Ø
:
s
±
, the former
jingðji
P
·
±
of
present-day Õmiwa shrine
Ø
PP
ç
, near Nara). I focus particularly on
rituals based on the
Reikiki
known as
reiki kanjõ
’
q
!
™
because of
their centrality (at least, initially) in the Buddhist kami discourse. I
discuss the forms and contents of these rituals, and the objects and
activities involved, and trace their developments from the middle ages
through the Edo period. In order to do that, I will brieµy introduce
the
Reikiki
to provide background knowledge for the understanding of
the
kanjõ
related to it. I also analyze transmission genealogies and the
way in which the participants to these rituals envisioned the history
and boundaries of their own tradition. Finally, I explore the social and
ideological dimensions of Buddhist Shinto, also in relation with other
and competing forms of “Shinto” discourses that began to emerge
during the Tokugawa period.
Shingon Initiation Rituals
Generally speaking, the expressions
jingi kanjõ
or
shintõ kanjõ
indicate
the transmission or initiation (
kanjõ
) of doctrines and practices related
to the kami (
shintõ
[
jindõ?
] or
jingi
)
4
that take took place within the
Ryõbu
X
H
shintõ traditions centered mainly at Miwa and Murõ-ji.
Similar initiations were also performed in Tendai
ú
×
temples.
Jingi
kanjõ
have the same structure as esoteric Buddhist initiations—more
precisely, the special ritual of consecration of a monk (
denbõ kanjõ
)
À
!
™
)—but modi³ed to a certain extent to better represent myths
presented in the
Nihon shoki
and the spatial structure of kami cult
places. It is therefore useful to start with a brief description of the
Shingon
denbõ kanjõ
, and then discuss in more detail some particular
forms of
jingi kanjõ
and the role of the
Reikiki
in them.
Initiation (
kanjõ
, Sk.
abhi¤eka
) is a ritual in which a master (Jp.
ajari
%
ò
6
, Sk.
„c„rya
) transmits to a disciple the essence of esoteric Bud-
dhism. Literally, the term means “pouring (water) on (someone’s)
head,” from the central part of the ritual. Originally,
abhi¤eka
was per-
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
267
4
On
jindõ
vs.
shintõ
in medieval Japan, see Mark T
EEUWEN
’s essay in this issue. In fact, it is
in the context of
shintõ kanjõ
that the reading “
shintõ
” was ³rst devised, as a way to emphasize
issues of ritual and moral purity. The elimination of the voiced sounds (
nigori
)
ji
and
dõ
in
“
jindõ
,” resulting in “
shintõ
” was a way to rectify the signi³er in order to show its deep rela-
tions with its signi³ed (
nigori
in Japanese also means “muddiness” and “impurity”). There-
fore, these kinds of rituals are, literally, on the borderline between “
jindõ
” as a set of
Buddhist practices to deal with local deities, and “Shintõ” as a distinct religious tradition.
formed in India as the enthronement ceremony for a new king or for
the proclamation of the heir to the throne. Water especially drawn
from the four oceans was aspersed on the head of the new ruler (or
the prince) signifying his legitimate control over the entire world. The
adoption of this ritual within the esoteric tradition to signify the trans-
mission of doctrines and practices indicates a constant circulation of
religious and imperial imageries in Buddhism. In Japan, a
kanjõ
cere-
mony was ³rst performed by Saichõ
è
˜
(767 [or 766]–822) at
Takaosan-ji
¢
Å
[±
in 805; the ³rst complete
kanjõ
of the two mandalas
was carried out by Kðkai
W
}
(774–835) at the same temple in 812.
There are several forms of
kanjõ
, classi³ed in a number of ways and
levels by various texts.
5
The most common typology consists of ³ve cat-
egories (
goshu sanmaya
2
)
X
*œ
, literally “³ve kinds of
samaya
[sym-
bolic activities leading to salvation]”). The ³rst
samaya
is the worship
of and giving offerings to a mandala. This category corresponds to
the rituals performed for a mandala (such as the
mandaraku
R
w
ø
Ú
),
and is not, properly speaking, a form of initiation. The second
samaya
is the initiation in which a karmic relationship with an aspect of eso-
teric Buddhism is established (
kechien
º
â
kanjõ
). In it the initiate,
with his/her eyes covered, has access to a mandala, throws a µower on
it, and on the basis of the deity on which it lands, the master teaches
him/her a mantra and a mudra. The third
samaya
is performed when
one becomes a disciple of a master (
jumyõ
1
g
kanjõ
, lit. “initiation in
which a formula is bestowed [upon the disciple]”); in it, a speci³c
meditation object (mantra, mudra, and visualization), among other
things, is taught to the initiate. The fourth
samaya
is the most impor-
tant one: called
denbõ kanjõ
(“initiation ritual of the transmission of
the Dharma”), it takes place after the disciple has completed a certain
curriculum of study and religious practice and thereupon becomes a
new master himself. A ³fth
samaya
exists, a “secret initiation” (
himitsu
¸
O
kanjõ
) performed on particular occasions and for special recipients.
The template of medieval and early-modern initiations to kami-
related matters appears to be the
denbõ kanjõ
, and perhaps also the
himitsu kanjõ
(given the extra-canonical origin of Shinto rituals). Since
the
denbõ kanjõ
is the most systematic and complete, let us examine it
more in detail.
The initiation proper is preceded by a phase of puri³cation of body
and mind (
kegyõ
;
‘
, literally “additional practices”) that can last
from one week to a hundred days. The body is cleansed by bathing in
perfumed holy water and by wearing a white robe. The mind is
puri³ed by receiving the
samaya
precepts (
sanmayakai
X
*œ
w
), by
5
For an overview, see MDJ pp. 409c–410c.
268
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
taking refuge in the three jewels, and by pledging allegiance to a num-
ber of Buddhist ethical propositions.
The space where the initiation ceremony is to take place is divided
into an outer and an inner area (respectively,
gejin
‘
i
and
naijin
»
i
). In the inner area there are two altars on which are placed the
Vajra and the Womb mandalas used for the µower-throwing ritual (see
below); there is also another altar, called “altar of true awakening”
(
shõgakudan
±
·
;
), where the
kanjõ
proper is performed. On the
eastern and western walls of the inner area are the portraits of the
eight Shingon human patriarchs: N„g„rjuna, N„gabodhi, Vajrabodhi,
Amoghavajra (Bukong
#
W
), Šubhakarasi½ha (Shanwuwei
3
[
a
),
Yixing
s
‘
, Huiguo
ˆ
F
, and Kðkai. The setting is thus a replica of
the entire Shingon tradition; the ritual aims at putting the initiate on
the same level as those patriarchs in an operation that denies history
and emphasizes instead unchanging continuity.
The initiate enters the inner area with his face covered, reaches
one of the altars with the mandala, and throws a µower on it to deter-
mine the deity to whom he is karmically related.
6
After that, the cloth
covering his face is removed, in a gesture representing the ³nal sepa-
ration from the delusory world of everyday reality and the opening of
the eye of wisdom to the absolute realm of mandala. The initiate is
then led to the altar of true awakening (
shõgakudan
), where the initia-
tion proper is to take place. He sits on a mat representing an eight-
petal µower—Mah„vairocana’s own seat in the mandala, and receives
the initiation from the master. The actual content of initiation varies,
but in general it consists of very speci³c and practical instructions on
how to perform certain rituals and how to interpret certain texts
(what mudras to employ, the succession of mantric formulae, etc.).
The master also gives the disciple a series of sacred objects (a crown, a
vajra
club, a
horagai
À
ù
Š
shell trumpet, a mirror, etc.) to certify the
successful completion of the initiation. These objects symbolize the
transformation of the initiate into Mah„vairocana’s adamantine body-
mind. The initiated then pays homage to the images of the patriarchs
to inform them of his newly attained initiation. Finally, the master
hails the former disciple as a newly born master and shades him
under his parasol to signify respect and equality. The ritual ends here.
Kanjõ
rituals were a natural complement to the semiotics of esoteric
Buddhism, which con³gures itself as a form of salvi³c knowledge
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
269
6
In the description of this ritual, pronouns are usually in the masculine case only; this is
because there is no proof that these rituals were ever performed for women in premodern
Japan.
extracted directly from the signs.
7
Because of the nature of such
knowledge, not everyone is entitled to receiving it; initiation rituals,
with their strict regulations, function as devices to control the access
and the proliferation of meaning and knowledge. They were also ways
to control legitimacy. Contrary to common understanding, initiations
do not generally reveal occult doctrines or “esoteric” truths. Those are
(and were also in the past) relatively easily available in texts studied
before the performance of the initiation ritual. What the ritual enacts
is the sanctioning to teach certain doctrines and perform certain rituals.
It also guarantees the soteriologic attainment of the initiated, which
was often related to his social position in a religious institution’s hier-
archy. In other words, initiation rituals control the structuring and the
reproduction of the Buddhist esoteric system—a system both of
knowledge and of power. It is not by chance, then, that in medieval
Japan
denbõ kanjõ
became the template for procedures to transmit
legitimate knowledge in general as part of certain hierarchical sys-
tems, such as family lineages dealing with speci³c literary and artistic
texts, with technologies, and with extra-canonical teachings such as
matters related to the kami.
Shintõ Kanjõ
The relation between religious and imperial imageries typical of eso-
teric Buddhist initiation rituals was further developed in esoteric Bud-
dhist rites for the transmission of doctrines and practices concerning
the kami, in which the ritual objects and images were directly related
to the Japanese emperor. Many texts describing
shintõ kanjõ
still exist.
Apparently there was not a single template, but several models, all pat-
terned on Shingon
denbõ kanjõ
as summarized above. As we will see
below, in time
shintõ kanjõ
became more and more complex, with the
addition of new ritual segments, sacred objects, meanings and images.
What follows in this section is a description of a typical Miwa initiation
rite to kami matters based on the
Miwaryð jingi kanjõ
X
sH
P
•
!
™
(1818).
PASSAGE THROUGH THREE TORII AND PURIFICATION
In major Shinto shrines, one has to pass through three torii
š
Ê
gates
before arriving at the main hall. The ³rst stage of Shinto initiations is
analogously presented as a passage through three torii, during which
various puri³cations of body and mind are performed. The three torii
refer to, respectively, heaven, man, and earth, each corresponding to
270
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
7
On the semiotics of esoteric Buddhism, see R
AMBELLI
1994.
³ve kami among those listed in the
Nihon shoki
for a total of ³fteen
kami.
8
At the ³rst torii the disciple performs a ritual of protection
(
goshinpõ
X
À
) to defend himself during the contact with the
divine;
9
at each torii, the master asperses water on the disciple; together
they chant mantras and invocations to the kami.
APPROACH TO THE MAIN ALTAR
The initiate ³rst puri³es his body with incense smoke and perfumed
holy water, while intoning formulas, chanting mantras, and visualizing
Sanskrit letters. Then, his eyes covered with a white or red cloth, he
enters the main ritual space. To do that, he has to pass above an ele-
phant-shaped incense burner and expose his body to the incense
smoke. The incense smoke signi³es the ³nal elimination of afµictions,
the arising of the
bodhicitta
, and the acquisition of bodhisattva Fugen’s
3
Ú
mind (the elephant is, in fact, Fugen’s mount in traditional
iconography). The initiate is now standing in front of the altar shaped
like an eight-petal lotus, clearly derived from esoteric Buddhism. At
the center there is Tenshõ daijin surrounded by ³ve kami closely related
with the Miwa cultic center, e.g., Miwa
X
s
, Sumiyoshi
W
Ÿ
, Kumano
h
Ÿ
, Kasuga
r
Õ
, and Hachiman
kg
. All around them are the twenty-
four main deities of the major shrine complexes of Japan.
10
The initi-
ate throws a µower on the mandala altar, thus establishing a karmic
relation with a kami. The cloth is now removed from his eyes; he can
see the real world of the deities, and pays homage to them. Behind
this altar is another square sacred space, surrounded by torii and
fences on all four sides, each representing one of the material ele-
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
271
8
The ³ve kami in each category are, respectively, Kuni no sazuchi no mikoto
³
ò
ª
¨
,
Toyokumunu no mikoto
Ì
ñ
ä
¨
, Uhijini suhijini no mikoto
è
F
æ
%
Ü
F
æ
¨
, Õtonoji
õtomabe no mikoto
Ø
ú
îŠ
%
Ø
§
Œ
¨
, Omodaru kashikone no mikoto
s
˜
%
æ
Í
¨
; Ama no
ya-kudari musuhi no mikoto
ú
k
œÓ
f
, Ama no mi-kudari musuhi no mikoto
ú
X
œÓ
f
,
Ama no ai-musuhi no mikoto
ú
§Ó
f
, Ama no yahohi musuhi no mikoto
ú
kß
Õ
Ó
f
, Ama
no yasoyorozu hi musuhi no mikoto
ú
k
Y
Õ
Ó
f
; and Ki no oya kukunochi musubi no
mikoto
…
H
I
/
í
R
Ó
f
, Hi no oya kakutsuchi no mikoto
Õ
H
Ù
Z
£
J
f
, Tsuchi no oya
haniyasu no mikoto
F
H
ù
H
f
, Kane no oya kanayama hiko no mikoto
å
H
[
Ò
f
, Mizu
no oya mizuhame no mikoto
v
H
}
æœ
f
.
9
The
goshinpõ
consists of the puri³cation of body, speech, and mind (the three factors
of karma) through the performance of mudras, the chanting of mantras, and visualization.
See MDJ p. 610a–b.
10
This is the list: Kõya daimyõjin
¢
Ÿ
Ø
g
P
, Kibune
{
$
daimyõjin, Inari
w
S
daimyõjin,
Gion
•
Ó
daimyõjin, Tatsuta
P
,
daimyõjin, Tateyama
C
[
daimyõjin, Hakusan
R
[
daimyõjin, Zaõ gongen
‰
÷
Ïê
, Kibitsu
Ÿ
Ä
§
daimyõjin, Suwa
l
Ë
daimyõjin, Kamo
g
w
daimyõjin, Hirano
r
Ÿ
daimyõjin, Hirota
b
,
daimyõjin, Õhara
Ø
ã
daimyõjin, Atsuta
å,
daimyõjin, Kitano tenjin
ë
Ÿ
ú
P
, Sekisan
Ó
[
daimyõjin, Hikosan daigongen
Ò
[
Ø
Ïê
, Aso
%
M
daimyõjin, Sannõ
[
÷
daigongen, Kitsuki
§
S
daimyõjin, Katori
¡
þ
daimyõjin,
Kashima
Ä
S
daimyõjin, Niu
#
´
daimyõjin.
ments of the cosmos (earth, water, ³re, and air, plus space and con-
sciousness) and a kami (Ame no mikudari musubi no mikoto
ú
X
œ
Ó
f
, Ame no ai musubi no mikoto
ú
§Ó
f
, Ame no yahohi musubi
no mikoto
ú
kß
Õ
Ó
f
, Ame no yahoyorozuhi musubi no mikoto
ú
kß
Õ
Ó
f
, Ame no minakanushi no mikoto
ú
:
_
ü
f
). At the cen-
ter of this space there is a
sakaki
/
tree covered with a cloth represent-
ing Tenshõ daijin while hiding in the heavenly cavern, as told by the
Nihon shoki
myth.
11
A mirror hangs from the
sakaki
tree, representing
the sacred mirror (
yata no kagami
k
z
ù
), the ³rst of the imperial
regalia. Its front side symbolizes Tenshõ daijin, while its back side sym-
bolizes Toyouke daijin
Ì
1
Ø
P
—the two main deities of the Ise
Shrines. Their combination is represented by the sacred jewel (
yasakani
no magatama
k
*
ø
(*
), the second of the imperial regalia. On both
sides of the mirror are two swords representing the sacred sword (
ame
no murakumo no tsurugi
ú
U
²
Ä
), the third of the imperial regalia.
Other objects are present in this sacred space (e.g., garlands,
ema
…
+
tablets, copies of the
Heart Sutra
) in a complex combination of motifs
taken from esoteric Buddhism and kami cults.
Overall, the sacred space of the ritual is a representation of the
honji suijaku
û
G
s
)
universe, in which kami objects are symbols of
the buddhas in the mandala. In fact, this ritual can be de³ned as a
form of
honji suijaku
in practice. The metaphorical structure underly-
ing the ritual—a passage from the profane to the sacred, from igno-
rance to wisdom, from the human realm to that of the deities—is a
direct adaptation/translation of esoteric Buddhist imagery (the µower-
throwing segment, the unveiling of the realm of the deities, the man-
dala, etc.), with the substitution of appropriate kami-related items (the
torii, the
sakaki
tree, the altar, the kami replacing buddhas and bod-
hisattvas, etc.). The initiation process itself, which in esoteric Buddhism
is described through the symbolism of N„g„rjuna opening the Iron
Stðpa in South India (see O
RZECH
1995), is represented in
shintõ kanjõ
by references to the myth of the opening of the heavenly cavern in
which Amaterasu had hidden herself. The actual content of the initia-
tion—the true nature of Ise deities—is represented by the three imperial
regalia, much as in the esoteric Buddhist model, in which initiation and
enlightenment was described by borrowing Indian imperial metaphors.
EMBODYING THE KAMI’S SACRED SPACE
When the initiate enters the sacred space of the kami he embodies
the cosmology of the system it represents. This is expressed by a secret
poem recited on the occasion: “My body is the sacred space of the kami
11
Nihon shoki,
vol. 1, p. 112; see also
Kojiki
, pp. 51–53.
272
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
(
kami no yashiro
P
u
ç
); my breath is the Outer and the Inner Shrines
[of Ise]” (
Miwaryð jingi kanjõ shojð shi ki
, p. 53). The
Miwaryð
s
hintõ
kanjõ ho shinshõ
X
sH
P
Š
!
™
¢
O
ƒ
explains: “This ritual hall is empti-
ness; emptiness is the single mind. This is the Pure Land. This Pure
Land is where the kami abide. By entering this ritual hall and receiv-
ing the initiation, one separates oneself from the delusion of life-and-
death and attains the mind of Mah„vairocana Tath„gata” (
Shintõ ho
shinshõ
, p. 82; see also H
ATTA
1991, pp. 87–88). This soteriologic stage
is equated with the altars in the Yuki
½
w
and Suki
ü
w
halls at the
time of imperial enthronement ceremony (
daijõsai
Ø
°
ø
).
THE “ALTAR OF PERFECT AWAKENING” (
SHÕGAKUDAN
)
The next stage of the ritual takes place by the “altar of perfect awak-
ening.” Master and disciple sit on cushions decorated with an eight-
petal lotus on both sides of the rectangular altar. The cushions
represent the lion seat of the Buddha, symbolizing that both partici-
pants in the initiation are already fully realized buddhas. The master
asperses the disciple with holy water. Then he intones a formula that
is related to an esoteric visualization: “On the head of the initiate
there is the letter
kha½
. It puts forth an intense light. On its center
there is a lunar disk, and on it there is the letter
va½
. It turns into a
one-pronged
vajra
. The
vajra
turns into Toyouke Daijin. On the same
lunar disk of the mind there is the letter A. It turns into the sacred
mirror. The mirror turns into Tenshõ daijin (Amaterasu)” (
Miwaryð
jingi kanjõ shojð shi ki
, p. 53). The disciple puri³es himself once more
with incense smoke, and the master gives him the three imperial
regalia (the jewel, the sword, and the mirror) together with mantras
and secret explanations. Finally, the initiate, as a con³rmation of his
attainment, intones a secret poem saying that henceforth all his
thoughts and actions are the working of the kami. The kami is inter-
preted here as a life force inside human beings.
REIKI KANJÕ
The next ritual segment is the initiation to the
Reikiki
. It represents
the embodiment of the mind of the kami, outwardly symbolized by
the three imperial regalia and by the Outer Shrine of Ise. I will discuss
this phase in the next section of this paper.
INITIATION TO THE SECRET MEANING
OF THE MYTH OF THE HEAVENLY CAVERN
The mythic narrative at the basis of this ritual segment is that in which
Tenshõ daijin, tired of the evil deed of her brother Susanoo
Á½Öú
,
hides herself in a cavern. Miwaryð interprets this myth as the comple-
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
273
tion of the
Reiki kanjõ
previously performed. The cavern represents
the Sacred Hall (
shinden
P
*
) of the Inner Shrine; Tenshõ daijin inside
the cavern is envisioned as a metaphor for the
tath„gatagarbha
, accord-
ing to which Buddha-nature is present in all beings but hidden. Initia-
tion to the secret meaning of this myth reveals to the initiate his own
Buddha-nature and the presence within himself of Tenshõ daijin’s
mind. In this case, Tenshõ daijin is called Õhirume no muchi
Ø
Õ
œ
{
.
SECOND AND THIRD LEVELS OF
SHINTÕ KANJÕ
All the above was the ³rst level (
shojð
Šb
) of
shintõ
initiation ritual. Doc-
uments such as the
Miwaryð shintõ genryð shð
X
sH
P
Š
è
H
T
also
describe a second and a third level of initiations. Their structure is essen-
tially the same as the ³rst; however, the kami involved and some mantras
and mudras are different. It is interesting to note that the second level is
called in some documents “Sokui kanjõ bun
“
R
!
™
_
” (“Section of the
enthronement initiation”), an even more explicit reference to imperial
rituals. During the ceremony the master says to the disciple:
The seal (
jinji
P
º
) is the symbol of the ruler of this country.
It is kept in the imperial palace and given to the emperor at
the enthronement ceremony. Now I give it to you. To enter
this enthronement initiation hall means that commoners are
on the same level as the emperor. As monks are on the same
level as the Buddha, when commoners look at this altar they
attain the imperial seat. It is an indication that ordinary peo-
ple are buddhas.
(
Miwaryð shintõ genryð shð
, p. 347)
This passage proposes a soteriologic model for laypersons consisting
in “attaining the imperial seat,” that is, becoming emperors, as an
intermediate stage in their process to becoming buddhas. The idea
behind this model is perhaps the following. In order to become a bud-
dha directly, one has to abandon the profane world (
shukke
m
B
) and
become a monk; in this sense, “monks are on the same level as the
Buddha.” Commoners need to go through an intermediate stage, that
of the emperor, who was thus envisioned as a manifestation of the
Buddha in Japan. Similar statements equating commoners with the
emperor—statements with which the master attributes the emperor’s
prerogatives to the initiate—accompany the transmission of the two
other imperial regalia.
12
It is not clear, however, whether this ritual was
performed also for commoners, as the previous formula seems to sug-
gest, or whether its statements were primarily rhetorical. I will return
to this issue in the Conclusion.
274
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
12
For another example of the imperial imagery in the rites of this kind, see
Hõõ kanjõ
hiketsu daiyon (Miwa)
.
The third level of initiations is apparently without mudras and
mantras. As one text explains, the essential part of this level is the
recitation of the following sentence:
I am Tenshõ daijin. […] kami and buddhas are not external
to us; I am Mah„vairocana, the Tath„gata of original enlight-
enment. […] To the deluded ones, Tenshõ daijin is different
from ordinary beings. To the enlightened ones, ordinary
beings and Mah„vairocana are one and the same.
(
Miwaryð shintõ genryð shð
, p. 349)
In other words, the second and third levels deepen the awareness of
the initiate’s identity with the emperor on the one hand, and with
Tenshõ daijin on the other hand. I will address some implications of
these identi³cations in the Conclusion of this article.
Shintõ kanjõ
rituals, like other esoteric initiations, were secret ritu-
als. In their paradigmatic form, only a limited number of selected dis-
ciples had access to them; many texts related to the
Reiki kanjõ
in
particular specify that only one disciple should receive the initiation
from each master. Secrecy was emphasized by malediction formulae at
the end of the texts. For example, a document says: “The one who vio-
lates these rules [concerning secret transmission] is not a descendant
of Amaterasu Õmikami” (“Nihongi shiryõ,” in A
BE
2000, p. 72), thus
suggesting a sort of excommunication from the progeny of Amaterasu
(and, perhaps, from the Japanese people as well?). Other texts warn
that the instructions they contain “should not be transmitted even for
a thousand pieces of gold”; they “should be kept in the utmost secret
and violators of this rule should fear punishment by the kami (
shin-
batsu
P
r
)” or divine punishment in general (
meibatsu
d
r
).
13
At the Origin of Shintõ Kanjõ: The Reikiki
In his
Jindaikan shikenmon
P
Ö
ñ
•
Ø
l
the Tendai priest Ryõhen
d
’
(late fourteenth to early ³fteenth centuries) wrote: “what Shingon
calls
kanjõ
, Shinto calls
reiki
’
q
”;
reiki
is thus “a different term for
kanjõ
” (p. 585). It is not possible to know how widespread Ryõhen’s
explanation was, but the importance of the
Reikiki
, and
Reiki kanjõ
in
particular, in Buddhist kami rituals is clear. More speci³cally, the Jõdo-
Shingon priest Shõgei
¸
»
(1341–1420) wrote in his commentary on
fascicle 12 of the
Reikiki
: “According to an oral instruction (
kuden
) the
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
275
13
Respectively:
Miwa shogan jõju shodaiji
, p. 44;
Miwaryð shintõ buyðbu shin
, p. 51;
meibatsu
is mentioned in
Miwaryð shintõ kanjõ juyoshiki
, p. 77. On malediction rituals in general in
medieval Japan, see R
AMBELLI
2002.
origin of initiation (
kanjõ
) is to be found in this fascicle” (
Reikiki shishõ
’
qz
•
¿
, p. 30). The
Reiki seisakushõ
’
q
£
6
¿
reiterates this: “It is
indicated that the origin of
kanjõ
is to be found in this [i.e., the twelfth]
fascicle” (p. 163). Thus, the commentators make an explicit connec-
tion between the origin of
shintõ kanjõ
and the
Reikiki
, in particular its
twelfth fascicle. Given the importance of the
Reikiki
for the history and
the understanding of
shintõ kanjõ
, and since our subsequent discussion
of the ritual will frequently refer to this elusive text, it is necessary to
provide some information on it, before translating its twelfth fascicle.
Reikiki
is one of the most important texts of the so-called Ryõbu
shintõ tradition. It is composed of eighteen fascicles: fourteen consti-
tute the main text, and the last four contain only iconographic material.
Many copies exist of the text, but scholars have pointed to the pres-
ence of at least three different versions.
14
This strange and puzzling
text de³es all categories that academics and religionists alike have
been developing over the centuries to classify Shinto doctrines and ritu-
als. Its peculiar combination of Japanese, Chinese, and Indian elements
makes it quite anomalous in the panorama of medieval Japanese reli-
gion and culture. Thus, it is probably not by chance that the
Reikiki
has been little studied.
15
Despite its importance, very little is known about the genesis of the
Reikiki
. It has been attributed in the past to several personages such as
Kõbõ Daishi
e
À
Ø
‚
,
16
Shõtoku Taishi
¸
”
°
{
,
17
and even to a collab-
orative effort of En no Gyõja
¤
‘
é
, Kõbõ Daishi, Dengyõ Daishi
)
î
Ø
‚
and Emperor Daigo
Ú
E
.
18
The text itself claims to be the
transcription by Emperor Daigo (885–930, r. 897–930) of a secret initi-
ation he would have received from the Dragon woman living in the
pond of the Shinsen’en
Pñ
ä
garden of the imperial palace com-
pound.
19
Modern scholars think that the
Reikiki
was written by (a)
Shingon priest(s) connected to the Ise Shrines (Itõ Satoshi
Q
n
t
in
Shintõ jiten
P
Š
ª
ø
, p. 590d). This attribution, however, is not com-
pletely convincing, given the numerous Tendai esoteric elements pres-
ent in the text. There is no clear information either on the date and
276
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
14
The oldest one begins with the chapter “
Reikiki
of the Two Shrines of Ise”; the second
version begins with “
Reikiki
of heaven and earth” (fourth fascicle in the previous version);
copies of the third version do not seem to have a ³xed order.
15
The ³rst modern Japanese version of the ³rst six fascicles of the
Reikiki
, a monumen-
tal work based on most extant manuscripts of the text, has been published in 2001 (see
S
HINBUTSU SHÐGÕ KENKYÐKAI
, eds., 2001).
16
Reikiki
, printed edition of 1672 (Kanbun
÷
k
12): see I
TÕ
2000b, p. 81.
17
Jõshun
Ì
u
,
Tendai myõmoku ruijð shõ
ú
×
e‡
{
´
ƒ
, quoted in I
TÕ
2000b, p. 81.
18
Shõgei,
Reikiki shishõ
, p. 1.
19
Reikiki
, at the end of fasc. 5 “Tenshõ Kõtaijin chinza shidai
ú
Ñ
y
°
P
¥
ã
µ
Ù
”; see
S
HINBUTSU SHÐGÕ KENKYÐKAI
, eds., 2001, p. 293.
place of composition. The text is quoted in Watarai Ieyuki’s
E
lB
‘
Ruiju jingi hongen
{
´
P
•
û
è
of 1320, and therefore must have
already been in existence by then. On the basis of sources cited in the
Reikiki
and ideas present in it, scholars consider it as a late Kamakura
text. Wata Hidenori
É
−
ñ
, in particular, places its composition
between the Kõan
e
H
era (1278–1288) and 1320 (
Heibonsha Daihyak-
ka jiten
rþ
ç
Ø
ß
ª
ø
, vol. 15: 860). As for the place of composition,
M
URAYAMA
suggests that it was authored by a priest related to Ise’s
Outer Shrine, but there is no solid evidence for that (1974, p. 344).
All the apocryphal attributions I mentioned suggest a close connec-
tion, already established at the level of authorship and rationale for
composition, between the
Reikiki
, esoteric Buddhist doctrines, and
imperial protocols concerning the kami. The status of the kami is in
fact one of the major conceptual foci of the text, but the
Reikiki
itself
is not a philosophical treatise; rather, it is a sort of ritual manual.
20
The themes addressed in the various chapters are quite common in
medieval combinatory literature. They range from cosmology (espe-
cially cosmogonic theories and the place of Japan in the universe), to
theology (the status and role of the kami),
21
soteriology (a theory and
practice of salvation with many
hongaku
û
·
[original enlightenment]
elements), the role of authority, in particular the emperor, and issues
related to the representation of the sacred. The way in which these
themes are treated, however, is quite peculiar, and in some cases with-
out equivalent in any other extant text. This fact, together with the
peculiarity of the iconography, is perhaps an indication of the essen-
tially experimental nature of the
Reikiki
.
The peculiarity of the
Reikiki
shows in several aspects. The most
striking one is perhaps its obscure wording; most of it is actually writ-
ten/read in two different languages that often say quite different
things. For example, the term
zokutai
š¿
(“profane body”) written in
Chinese characters is glossed in
katakana
as
makoto no sugata
æ»ÐÖÁ³Ç
(“true aspect”). This is probably functional to several agendas: to give
the text more symbolic value by its obscurity and initiatory quality; to
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
277
20
The rituals associated with the
Reikiki
will be addressed below.
21
For example, the two main divine protagonists of the
Reikiki
are two unusual deities,
Shiki Daibontennõ
Ô
m
Ø
¤
ú
÷
and Kõmyõ Daibontennõ
M
g
Ø
¤
ú
÷
, who are considered
to be the original form of the two main deities of Ise, Tenshõ daijin, and Toyouke no mikoto.
As Ogawa Toyoo has indicated, Shiki Daibontennõ (literally, Heavenly King Fire Mah„-
brahm„) and Kõmyõ Daibontennõ (literally, Heavenly King Light Mah„brahm„), originate
in the
Lotus Sutra
, where ³re and light are simply two attributes of Brahm„. The
Reikiki
inter-
prets these two attributes as referring to two different deities—or, rather, to two different
aspects of the same nondual entity, in line with dominant doctrines of its age: see O
GAWA
1997, p. 149. Still other deities that appear in the text are completely unknown, and not
explained in detail.
mark it off from other Shinto discourses that were developing at the
time; and also, to exploit explicitly the possibilities of language in
order to point to higher initiatory principles. The structure of the text
is quite loose: there is a general lack of discursive and thematic coher-
ence, and the same subjects are discussed over several fascicles. The
Reikiki
appears to be a collection of a wide range of writings and docu-
ments: cosmogonic accounts, charts of lineages, deity names, myths
and narratives of various kinds (often only referred to, not recounted
in full), ritual instructions, esoteric Buddhist doctrines, etc. These are
associated following a logic that is not very clear; its fragmented nature
gives the text a strangely postmodern µavor. More importantly, the text
has a clear ritual signi³cance, as I will discuss in the next two sections.
The Ritual and Mythical Dimensions of the Reikiki
At this point, let us take a look at the twelfth fascicle of the
Reikiki
,
which medieval commentators indicated, as we have seen, as the core
of the entire text and the origin of Buddhist initiation rites on kami
issues. (In the translation, the phrases in curly brackets render glossed
katakana
readings of the characters.)
The
Reikiki
of the Representation of the Three Worlds {Mani-
festation of the Otherworldly Deities}
The heavenly king Radiance Mah„brahm„, the original sover-
eign of the world of Sah„, descended metamorphosing his
true aspect {profane body} bringing down only his original
soul/jewel {mirror}. Since the time of the creation of heaven
and earth, that is, the time in which clear matter was de³ned
as heaven and turbid matter was de³ned as earth, when the
pure stuff was placed up and the impure stuff was placed
down, since up and down were de³ned, there has been igno-
rance and enlightenment, there has been discrimination, the
two concepts of being and nonbeing have been established,
the absolute and unconditioned way has been forgotten and
the luminous absolute nature has been lost. Desiring to make
the beings realize this, the king Brahm„, accompanied by his
thirty-six
22
attendant kami, have descended to the world of
Sah„; they have walked along the road, beating their bowls,
23
ringing their mirrors,
24
making their voices heard, and making
278
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
22
After the interpretation of
Reikiki shishõ
.
23
The
Reikiki shishõ
reads this terms as “cymbals” (p. 30).
24
The
Reikiki seisakushõ
reads this as “bells” (p. 163). The
Reikiki shishõ
identi³es in this
passage the beginning of initiation (
kanjõ
) in this world (p. 30). It is possible that the simi-
things known. (The passage above is quoted from the
Hõzanki.
)
The eternal preaching of heavenly king Mah„brahm„:
Essential formula:
25
given ³rst to the man:
Vajradh„tu va½
Essential formula: given to the woman afterwards
Heavenly king Mah„brahm„ calls this “Mah„vairocana of the
Vajra realm.”
Essential formula: chant
va½ hð½ tr„‹ h£‡‹ a‹
This is the mantric seed of the single mind of sentient beings,
the sacred spell of the nondualism of buddhas and sentient
beings.
The formula expressing the fact that names represent the
essence of things:
Va½ A va½ ra½ ha½ kha½
The heavenly king Fire Mah„brahm„, the original sovereign
of the world of Sah„, descended metamorphosing his true
aspect {profane body}, bringing down only his original soul/
jewel {mirror}. Accompanied by thirty-two Brahm„ attendants,
he descended metamorphosing, entered the Dragon Palace
26
and transmitted the Dharma of his mind.
When he descended from heaven he transmitted this essen-
tial formula:
a vi ra hð½ kha½
³rst transmitted to the woman.
Essential formula:
a „ a½ a‹ „½‹
subsequently transmitted to
the man.
Heavenly king Mah„brahm„ calls this “Mah„vairocana of the
Womb realm.”
When it (he?) is de³ned (settled?), chant
a va ra ha kha.
The
formula expressing the fact that names represent the essence
of things:
a ra pa ca na
In this way, the encounter and union of the two elements
(
ryõbu
) constitute the eternally abiding and unchanging sub-
lime body. One cannot de³ne what comes ³rst and what
comes after, the two elements cannot be distinguished. This is
the sublime and incomprehensible operation of nondualism,
the kami altar representing the identity of three thousand and
one. (The above passage is quoted from the
Amefudashõ
ú
M
ƒ
.)
Medieval commentators looked at this chapter of the
Reikiki
to ³nd
clues on the origin and the meaning of the entire text. Ryõhen wrote
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
279
larity in shape between cymbals and mirrors, and the importance of the latter for the rituals
based on this text, generated a slippage between the two terms.
25
The text has an expression roughly equivalent to “entering sentence”; the
Reikiki
shishõ
interprets this as “sentence going into the most essentials.” I have followed this indica-
tion.
26
After
Reikiki shishõ
and
Reikiki seisakushõ
.
in the
Jindaikan shikenmon
:
The matters of the age of the gods had been forgotten and no
one knew them any longer. Even the emperors, who kept the
three sacred regalia and handed them down from one genera-
tion to the other, did not know their meaning. One day the
Engi
×
]
emperor [Daigo] asked representatives of all Bud-
dhist schools in the kingdom, but even they did not know. In
particular, there was a one-page text, but its meaning was
unknown. The emperor, saddened, one day prayed to the bud-
dhas and the kami [to answer his questions], and from the
pond of the Shinsen’en imperial garden a woman dressed in
blue emerged and taught him. She was an emissary of Tenshõ
daijin
ú
Ñ
Ø
P
(Amaterasu). The text in question was the
twelfth fascicle of the
Reikiki
entitled
Amefuda no maki
ú
M
ñ
.
(Quoted in O
GAWA
1997, p. 155)
This mysterious woman told the emperor: “You revere Buddhism,
therefore it’s good for you to learn about the
jindõ
[i.e., the realm of
the kami] according to the writings of the patriarchs who have spread
Buddhism in Japan” (O
GAWA
1997, p. 155
).
The
Reikiki kikigaki
’
q z
l
–
, a collection of notes taken by
Raishun
þ
r
(n. d.) at lectures given by Ryõhen, gives us some addi-
tional information:
The origin of this text [
Reikiki
] is as follows. One day during
the reign of the sixtieth human sovereign, Emperor Daigo, a
beautiful woman emerged from the pond in the Shinsen’en
garden and went to the Palace, and explained the deep mean-
ings of the
jindõ
and the customs of Japan. […] Then, she
transmitted to the emperor the most profound and secret
Dharma, the so-called
Amefuda no maki
. That chapter should
not be transmitted lightly even to the noblest lantern of the
Dharma. Only one disciple should receive this initiation.
(
Reikiki kikigaki
, p. 213)
Here we ³nd an interesting variant of the dragon girl parable in the
Lotus Sutra
, with the important difference that in our case the female
dragon addresses the emperor of Japan about his country’s customs
and about the
jindõ
—the realm of the kami. In this version of the
Reikiki
origin narrative, the emperor was not prompted to ask for
divine help in order to understand the heavenly talisman he had
found, as in the previous story. In this case, the talisman is a sacred
text given to the emperor by the dragon woman after she initiated
him, and therefore it acts as a double of the jewel/relic (in the origi-
nal story in the
Lotus Sutra
) as a powerful religious tool.
280
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
As convincingly argued by Ogawa, chapter 12 of the
Reikiki
describes the imaginary origin of
shintõ kanjõ
(O
GAWA
1997, p. 154). As
we can see from the above legendary accounts, the original receiver of
this ritual was Emperor Daigo; the content of the ritual was constituted
by truths and customs about Japan and the kami; as a sign of comple-
tion, the emperor received a sacred talisman imbued with the power
of the kami.
27
The ³nal part of the chapter, in particular, is meant to
reproduce the various phases of the initiation ritual marked by the
series of mantras and related visualizations.
28
Reiki Kanjõ
Let us now turn our attention to the
Reiki kanjõ
. There appear to have
been several different procedures for this rite, and so it is dif³cult to
identify a uni³ed model. The oldest source reporting the performance
of
Reiki kanjõ
is a transmission document (
injin
|
=
) entitled “Nisho
Kõtaijingð Reiki kanjõ injin
Ì
‹
y
°
P
·
’
q
!
™
|
=
” preserved at the
Shinpuku-ji
O
S
±
temple in Nagoya. It says that on the 21st day of the
³fth month of 1353 (Bunna
k
É
2) priest Gikai
ˆ
}
of Chðshõinryð
_
§
Š
H
transmitted it to Yðe
»
ˆ
, the resident priest of Takahata
Fudõ
¢
g
#
{
in Musashi province
‰
³
.
29
The next oldest source is
the
Reiki seisakushõ
, written before 1389 (Kõõ
d
ñ
1); a note at the
end of the book suggests that it was given to the initiated during the
Reiki kanjõ
as a commentary to the
Reikiki
. The same text also contains
the initiation certi³cate and the ritual procedures, from which it is
possible to have an idea of the
Reiki kanjõ
around the Nanbokuchõ
period (
Reiki seisakushõ,
pp. 153–54).
What follows is a reconstruction of the ritual on the basis of the
previous document.
1. Preparation of the setting:
1a. The main image (
honzon
û
¨
) is put into place; it was
probably a painted image of the sacred sword (
riken
2
ì
)
hung on the wall;
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
281
27
The reference to Emperor Daigo is signi³cant, since he ordered the compilation of
the
Ritual Procedures of the Engi era
(
Engishiki
×
]
Å
) that codi³ed all ritual protocols at court.
Perhaps, medieval authors thought that Daigo succeeded in that endeavor thanks to the wis-
dom he had received from his supernatural visitor.
28
A legendary account of the ³rst occurrence of the
Reiki kanjõ
to Emperor Daigo can
also be found in an initiation document titled “Nisho kõtai jingð Reiki himitsu kanjõ injin
Ì
‹
y
°
P
·
’
q
¸
O
!
™
|
=
” (in A
BE
2000, pp. 84–85), probably dating back to the early
fourteenth century (I
TÕ
2000a, pp. 135–36).
29
Ryõbu shintõ shð
, pp. 477–79. A later version appears in A
BE
, 2000, pp. 84–85. See also
I
TÕ
2000b, p. 83.
1b. The incense burner and the offerings are put into place;
1c. Master and disciple take their respective places on specially
prepared mats, and bow to each other twice.
2. Performance:
2a. The master (
ajari
%
ò
6
) raises his right hand and the dis-
ciple his left hand and together they form the seal of the outer
³ve-pronged
vajra
; they chant the formulae of the Vajra and
the Womb realms, i.e., respectively,
vajradh„tu va½
and
a vi ra
hð½ kh„½
.
2a’. Master and disciple bow to each other twice, and repeat
the previous operation but inverting their hands (the master
uses his right hand, the disciple his left). Ryõhen’s
Reikiki kiki-
gaki
indicates that in this segment master and disciple
exchange their seats; the
Seisakushõ
does not specify this detail.
2b. The master raises his right hand and the disciple his left
hand and together they form the seal of no-place nondualism;
they chant the mantric seeds of the ³ve buddhas of the Vajra
realm (
va½ hð½ tr„‹ h£‡‹ a‹
) and the ³ve transformations of
the letter A representing the Womb realm (
a „ a½ a‹ „½‹
).
2b’. Master and disciple bow to each other twice, and repeat
the previous operation but inverting their hands (the master
uses his right hand, the disciple his left hand).
3. Final procedures (not described).
As we can see from the above account, the
Reiki kanjõ
is essentially a
variant of esoteric
kanjõ
rites. The main deity (
honzon
) of the ritual was
probably a hanging scroll representing the sacred sword eliminating
afµictions and showing the true principle of the universe (
ri
7
). The
peculiarity of the ritual consists in the fact that master and disciple
form mudras together hand in hand. As I
TÕ
Satoshi suggests, that was
probably a representation of the union of
yin
and
yang
principles
(2000b, p. 84), a theme that permeates the
Reikiki
, and Ryõbu shintõ
texts and rituals in general.
In this context, the disciple ³rst assumes the role of the female, and
then of the male, to indicate the realization of the religious process.
We can see in this sexual aspect a manifestation of a more general
metaphor of medieval esoteric Buddhism, namely, the fact that
enlightenment was described as “turning from a woman into a man”
(
hennyo nanshi
ˆ
œ
C
{
). This metaphor did not only apply to women,
but was a more general image of soteriologic transformation.
30
282
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
30
It should also be noted, however, that initiates to many Buddhist rites in medieval
Japan were often young boys (
chigo
M
−
) with feminine make up, and in many cases sexual
imagery was not purely metaphorical. On this subject, see F
AURE
1998, especially pp. 241–78.
Perhaps the most complete discussion of the content of initiation
to the
Reikiki
has been left to us by the Jõdo-Shingon monk Shõgei in
his
Reikiki shishõ
. His commentary is rather impenetrable to the non-
initiated reader, but it serves well to illustrate the µavor of medieval
esoteric Buddhist speculation on kami matters. We can reconstruct
the narrative frame underlying Shõgei’s ritual in the following way.
This initiation is a replica of the dragon woman’s transmission to
Emperor Daigo, which as we have seen concerned a heavenly talisman
related to the creation of the universe (and Japan in particular) and
the maintenance of the sacred order of the cosmos. This transmission,
as the chapter of the
Reikiki
translated above makes clear, was also
related to the gods who descended to the earth in order to awaken
human beings to the reason for their suffering: it is due to the original
creation that produced differentiation, discrimination, and rebirth.
The two series of mantras in the twelfth fascicle of the
Reikiki
, which
are at the center of this initiation ritual, represent the two principles
that structure the universe: male and female, principle (
ri
7
) and wis-
dom (
chi
J
), the Vajra and the Womb mandala. In the ³rst series, the
Vajra mandala (together with humanity and the cosmic principle),
represented by the ³rst mantra,
vajradh„tu va½
, is the starting place of
this soteriologic process. The second mantra,
va½ hð½ tr„‹ h£‡‹ a‹
,
indicates the kind of enlightenment associated with the Vajra mandala,
that is, the pure and unde³led mind pervading the Dharmadh„tu in
the form of the ³ve wisdoms (
gochi
2
J
) associated with the ³ve cen-
tral buddhas of the mandala. The third mantra,
va½ a va½ ra½ ha½
kha½
, indicates, in contrast, the materiality of Mah„vairocana. The
implication is that the initiate is embodying both mind and body of
Mah„vairocana in the Vajra realm. This stage represents the original
enlightenment, the innate possibility to realize that one is a buddha.
With the second series of mantras, we are now in the Womb man-
dala. The ³ve elements represented by the ³rst mantra indicate the
initiate’s possession of the material body of Mah„vairocana. The sec-
ond mantra indicates the soteriologic process to become a buddha
culminating with the realized Mah„vairocana. The ³nal mantra sanc-
tions the ³nal attainment.
Let us now look more closely at Shõgei’s interpretation.
31
The ³rst mantra,
vajradh„tu va½
, is taught ³rst to the man and then
to the woman. Since women did not take part in such initiations,
“man” and “woman” in the text refer to, respectively, master and disci-
ple. Their relationship was often expressed metaphorically in sexual
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
283
31
The following paragraphs are based on Shõgei,
Reikiki shishõ
, pp. 30–32. See also
O
GAWA
1997, p. 154.
and gendered terms. The formula means: Vajra (
vajra
) realm (
dh„tu
)
Mah„vairocana (
va½
), that is, the modality of the cosmic Buddha in
the Vajra realm. In other words, the mantra represents the Vajra
realm, that is, the cosmic principle (
ri
) and the male principle.
The next mantra,
va½ hð½ tr„‹ h£‡‹ a‹
, represents the state of
enlightenment associated with the Vajra realm. The mantra stands for
the ³ve buddhas (respectively, Mah„vairocana, Akšobhya, Ratna-
sa½bhava, Amit„bha, Š„kyamuni), the ³ve directions (center, east,
south, west, north), and other correlative series based on them. The
expression “This is the mantric seed of sentient beings’ single mind”
refers to the transformation of the mental apparatus from discrimina-
tive machinery into a clear and undifferentiated pure mirror usually
referred to as the ³ve wisdoms (
gochi
). According to esoteric Bud-
dhism, in fact, enlightenment (that is, the acquisition of the ³ve wis-
doms) consists precisely in such a transformation of ordinar y
consciousness that is supposed to occur during the ritual.
32
In our case, this transformation is produced by a set of mantras. In
particular,
a‹
represents the transformation of the ³ve sensory con-
sciousnesses into the wisdom allowing for the perfection of all deeds
(
jõshosachi
¨
‹
6
J
);
h£‡‹
indicates the transformation of the sixth con-
sciousness (
ishiki
[
Æ
) into the wisdom of appreciating individual par-
ticularities within the undifferentiated totality (
myõkanzatchi
U
?
I
J
);
tr„‹
indicates the transformation of the seventh consciousness (
manashiki
=
º
Æ
) into the wisdom of the undifferentiated identity of subject and
object (
byõdõshõchi
r
f
§
J
);
hð½
stands for the transformation of the
eighth consciousness (
arayashiki
%
þœ
Æ
) into the wisdom reµecting all
things as a perfect mirror (
daienkyõchi
Ø
Ò
ù
J
); ³nally,
va½
represents
the ninth consciousness (
amarashiki
‚
#ø
Æ
). Because of its particular
status,
amarashiki
is not subject to transformations, but constitutes the
nondual and signless mandala of the Dharma-world or, in another
terms, the wisdom of the original nature of the Dharmadh„tu (
hokkai
taishõ chi
À
ƒ
¿
§
J
). This is why these ³ve syllables are de³ned as the
mantric seed of sentient beings’ single mind: they represent the uni-
284
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
32
The human mental apparatus is constituted by ³ve sensory consciousnesses (eye-, ear-,
nose-, tongue-, body-consciousness) that elaborate raw perceptual data captured by each
sense organ while experiencing their respective objectual ³elds. The data from the sensory
consciousnesses are elaborated and uni³ed by a sixth consciousness, the intellect (
ishiki
),
also in charge of structuring the immaterial ³eld of thinkable entities. The intellect is, in
turn, supported by a seventh consciousness (
manashiki
), which constitutes the center of self-
awareness. The eighth consciousness is called
arayashiki
(Sk.
„laya-vijñ„na
); it is the deposit
of all experiential and intellectual seeds that concur in creating the universe as we perceive
it. Finally, this whole apparatus rests on a ninth consciousness (
amarashiki
, Sk.
amara-
vijñ„na
), the unde³led place of the pure
bodhi
-mind, the absolute innate mind of the Dharma-
principle.
versal, pure and unde³led mind pervading the Dharmadh„tu (both
sentient beings and buddhas) in the form of the ³ve wisdoms.
Shõgei then moves on to explain the sentence “The formula express-
ing the fact that names represent the essence of things,” and address-
es an important issue concerning the esoteric Buddhist philosophy of
language. He argues that among the three linguistic dharmas (names,
sentences, and letters), names (
myõ
e
) indicate directly the essence of
the things they designate: “It is like saying willow tree or cherry tree
[to refer to them].” In contrast, “sentences (
ku
I
) articulate the dis-
tinct features of things. For instance, when one says ‘The willow tree is
green’ one means something different from the color red; when one
says ‘the µower is red’ one indicates something different from the
color green.” Finally, “letters (
mon
k
) are the characters that consti-
tute words and sentences.”
33
The third mantra,
va½ a va½ ra½ ha½ kha½
, is interpreted as indi-
cating Mah„vairocana (the initial
va½
) and the ³ve elements (respec-
tively, earth, ³re, water, wind, and space, represented by the following
³ve syllables) constituting his material body.
The next set of formulae is related to the female principle of the
universe: the Womb realm and wisdom. Accordingly, they should be
transmitted to the woman ³rst.
A vi ra hð½ kha½
is an alternative rep-
resentation of the ³ve elements.
A „ a½ a‹ „½‹
represent, in order,
the four stages toward becoming a buddha (respectively, arousing the
desire for enlightenment [
bodhicitta
], performing religious practices,
attaining enlightenment, and entering
nirv„«a
), culminating with
Mah„vairocana’s mystic syllable
„½‹
. In other words, a reference to
the material body of the universe is followed by a simulation of the
soteriologic process culminating with the realized Buddha. The ³nal
formula, again “representing the essence of things,” indicates still
another modality of Mah„vairocana.
34
Shõgei concludes his explanation by saying that all the above repre-
sents “the descent of the Tath„gata of the Two Realms into the Two
Shrines [of Ise]” (
Reikiki shishõ
, p. 31). However, he adds, “there are
four levels of meaning to this matter” (
Reikiki shishõ
, p. 31), referring
to the semantic structure of esoteric Buddhism.
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
285
33
On the philosophy of language of esoteric Buddhism, see Fabio Rambelli, “Buddhist
Semiotics,” lectures 1 and 2 (http://www.semioticon.com).
34
Actually, the
Reikiki shishõ
has a different formula here than the text I used for my
translation. Instead of
a ra pa ca na
, Shõgei has
a vi ra hð½ kha½
(p. 31)—perhaps an indica-
tion that the sequence of the formulae was not strictly codi³ed, and what mattered most
was, rather than the actual formulae, the overall “meaning” of the ritual.
The original record (
honki
û
z
) reports only the super³cial
meaning: as referring to the three fundamental entities heaven,
earth, and man. The
Reikiki
presents two levels, the super³cial
and the secret, when it says that the traces of the descent from
heaven refer to Vairocana and his retinue. […] Next, the
secret and the more secret combined are indicated by the
mantric seed of the single mind. The more secret and the
most secret combined refer to the order of transmission of the
mantras. Therefore, we can say that the
Reikiki
presents all the
four levels. However, the meaning of the most secret level is to
be found outside of the present commentary: [the ³nal sentence
of the chapter beginning with] “In this way, the encounter and
union of the two elements” refers to the secret meaning of the
Yugi
î
t
[
kyõ
™
].
(
Reikiki shishõ
, p. 31)
35
Here, Shõgei is suggesting that the general intellectual content of the
secret transmission is articulated on the basis of the four levels of
meaning that are typical of the esoteric Buddhist episteme. On the
³rst level, the world is constituted by three entities—heaven, earth,
and man; heaven descended on earth as the kami of Ise Shrines. The
second level indicates that the kami in Ise are actually Mah„vairocana
and his retinue; they preached a mantra to the human beings. The
third level indicates that that mantra is the seed of the single mind,
that is, the formula
va½ hð½ tr„‹ h£‡‹ a‹
. The ³nal level pertains to
the transmission of the mantra; its meaning is to be found outside the
Reikiki
in the initiation to the
Yugikyõ
(
yugi kanjõ
).
36
The above is a brief account of the knowledge that was necessary in
order to receive the initiation to the
Reikiki
—which, as we have seen,
was considered at the origin of
shintõ kanjõ
—as described by Shõgei
between the fourteenth and the ³fteenth centuries. From the extant
documents it is not clear whether this knowledge was transmitted during
the initiation ritual, or whether the ritual just sanctioned the previous
transmission of this initiatory knowledge.
As Itõ Satoshi indicates, however, the
Reiki kanjõ
became more and
more complex during the Muromachi period, with the development
of three, four or even ³ve stages of further and deeper initiations.
37
The main object of worship (
honzon
) also changed: in some cases the
Reikiki
(the text) itself was used as the main object of the cult,
38
in
286
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
35
Here the term
yugi
refers to the
Yugikyõ
(full title
Kongõbu rõkaku issai yuga yugi kyõ
, in
T 18 no. 867), one of the main sources of medieval Shingon esoteric initiation rituals with
strong sexual connotations.
36
On
yugi kanjõ
, see MDJ pp. 2207b–2208b.
37
See I
TÕ
2000a, p. 84.
38
See for example the
Jingðgata shinbutsu itchi shõ
P
·
¾
P
[
s
O
¿
, quoted in I
TÕ
2000a,
other cases it was a body of a kami (
shintai
P
¿
) in the form of a snake
(according to some
honji suijaku
û
G
s
)
theories, the real forms of
kami are actually snakes).
39
An example of Muromachi period
Reiki kanjõ
is given in the
colophon (
okugaki
ï
–
S
) of Ryõhen’s
Jindaikan shikenmon
(p. 593). In
brief, it says that from the 19th to the 27th of the sixth month of 1424
(Õei
ñ½
31) Ryõhen lectured on the
Nihon shoki
; subsequently he
performed a
Reiki kanjõ
and lectured on the
Reikiki
. On the 17th of
the tenth month of the same year, he transmitted the
injin
of the
Ame-
fuda no maki
. Ryõhen’s transmission was in ³ve stages (see also I
TÕ
2000b, pp. 84–85). For Ryõhen, the
Nihon shoki
and the
Reikiki
had to
be transmitted as one set. Five years before, in 1419 he had performed
the same lectures and ritual transmissions. At that time, he lectured on
the
Nihon shoki
from the 21st and from the 29th day of the second
month, then, he lectured on the
Reikiki
from the 8th day of the third
month. Notes from those lectures still survive as, respectively,
Nihon
shoki kikigaki
Õ
û
–
w
l
–
and
Reiki kikigaki
’
z
l
–
. On that occasion
he also performed the secret transmission of the
Amefuda no maki
; the
procedures are recorded in the
Reiki kikigaki
(pp. 264–66). He divided
the ritual into two segments, related respectively to the Outer Shrine
and the Inner Shrine of Ise; accordingly, there were in the ceremonial
hall two seats each for master and disciple. He explicitly says that the
various mantras are initiatory certi³cates (
injin
) from the heavenly tal-
isman. The mantras are divided into two sets that constitute the oral
transmissions of the Outer and the Inner Shrines (p. 264). He does
not give his interpretation of the actual content of these transmis-
sions, but presents instead a diagram of the two sessions (performed
twice each, once oriented to the north and once to the south) of the
oral initiation (p. 265). The sequence was like the one we have seen
before according to the
Seisakushõ
; the only difference is, as I men-
tioned before, that the second time master and disciple switched
places.
In a still later example, the
Reiki kanjõ
is presented as a section of
the
Nihon shoki kanjõ
Õ
û
–
w
!
™
performed by
shintõ ajari
Gyõkei
‘
‰
for his disciple Gyõyo
‘
Ò
in 1513 (Eishõ
½
±
10). A very important
set of documents (procedures, formulae, images, lineage diagrams,
etc.) concerning that
kanjõ
is preserved at Ninna-ji
_
É
±
in Kyoto.
On the basis of the summary provided by I
TÕ
(2000b, p. 85), the
Nihongi kanjõ
ritual was performed in the following way:
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
287
p. 84; see also H
ARA
2001.
39
See for instance the illustration of
Reiki honzon
in used in a
Nihon shoki kanjõ
of 1513
(Eishõ 10), “Nihongi shiryõ” in A
BE
2000, p. 18. On the idea that the snake was the original
form of the kami, see T
EEUWEN
2000.
Fifty or one hundred days of preliminary religious practices
(
kegyõ
;
‘
)
Rite of the Outer ceremonial hall (
gedõjõ
‘
Š
õ
)
Rite of the Inner ceremonial hall (
naidõjõ
»Š
õ
).
In the Inner ceremonial hall there is a large altar (
daidan
Ø
;
) and a small altar (
shõdan
·
;
); there is also a
Reiki
altar.
The main transmission ritual takes place by the small altar.
First, the
ajari
enters the hall, prepares the altars, and calls in
the initiate. The initiate enters the hall with his eyes covered
and throws the µower on the mandala placed on the large
altar in order to establish a karmic tie with one of its deities.
Then, the cloth covering his eyes is removed, and the initiate
proceeds to the small altar. There, after the puri³cation with
incense and aspersion of holy water, a series of rituals takes
place, such as the enthronement ceremony, the transmission
of the three sacred regalia, the
Dainihongi kanjõ
Ø
Õ
û
w
!
™
,
the mudras and mantras of the three sacred regalia, and the
transmission of the ten sacred treasures. After that, the
Reiki
kanjõ
is performed. It consists in the transmission of three sets
of mudras and mantras and of mudras and mantras of the
three imperial regalia and the ten sacred treasures.
40
Another example of late
Reiki kanjõ
, as a segment of a larger initia-
tion ritual, is given in the
Miwaryð shintõ kanjõ juyoshiki
X
sH
P
Š
!
™
4
Ò
Å
. In this case, the
Reiki
altar was placed near the altar of perfect
enlightenment (
shõgakudan
). As we have already seen, in this case the
Reiki kanjõ
formed a pair with the initiation ritual to the secret meaning
of the myth of the heavenly cavern (
iwato no daiji
R
ú
Ö
Ø
ª
). This
Reiki
kanjõ
represented Ise’s Outer Shrine, the Suki hall in the Daijõsai, and
the external appearance of the spirit of the kami as based on the three
imperial regalia (the sword in particular). As such, it was also directly
related to the rites taking place at the altar of perfect enlightenment.
The main deities (
honzon
) were Nyoirin Kannon
Ø
[
s
?
3
, Fudõ
Myõõ
#
{
g
÷
, and Aizen Myõõ
(
ô
g
÷
, all represented by a jewel.
The jewel encompasses a complex symbolism, described by the ritual
procedures in the following way. Nyorin Kannon is the trace (
suijaku
)
of Tenshõ daijin, represented by the mirror; Fudõ Myõõ is the
suijaku
of Ame no koyane no mikoto
ú
−
%
f
, represented by the sword;
Aizen Myõõ is
suijaku
of Takemikazuchi no mikoto
3
ª
P
, repre-
sented by bow and arrows (in this case, the bow is probably identi³ed
with the curved jewel [
magatama
Q
*
]). The three regalia, symbolizing
288
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
40
For a description of this speci³c
Reiki kanjõ
, see Itõ Satoshi, “Shintõ injin,” in A
BE
2000, pp. 134–35.
the three pairs of Buddhist deities and kami, are envisioned as sub-
species of the most important sacred object, i.e., the combination of
Buddha relics (
busshari
[
à
2
) and the wish-ful³lling jewel (
cintam„ni
).
The present text says that the Buddha relics (e.g., the jewel) is the
original form (
honji
) of Kunitokotachi no mikoto
³
ø
C
¨
, the primor-
dial creator deity in the
Nihon shoki
mythology. As all three gods can
be traced back to this ³rst ancestor, all sacred objects can be reduced
to the jewel, which is also a representation of the cosmos before the
separation of heaven and earth.
The
Miwaryð jingi kanjõ
describes the
Reiki kanjõ
as the transmission
of Tenshõ daijin’s mind, which is none other than the mind of Mah„-
vairocana in both Vajra and Womb realms. In this respect, the secret
meaning of the myth of the heavenly cavern (
Iwato no daiji
) is the real-
ization that Tenshõ daijin’s mind is already within the initiate. The
third and ³nal set of rites, the one without mantras and mudras, rep-
resents the perfect identity of the initiate with the deity. We can see
that by the Edo period the
Reiki kanjõ
had lost both its autonomy and
its symbolic importance, and had become a mere segment in a more
complex set of rituals of which it no longer constituted the central part.
Transmission Lineages
Let us now shift our attention to the transmission lineages of the
Reiki
kanjõ
. For example, the
Reiki seisakushõ
reports the following chart (p.
153):
Tenshõ daijin
Æ
³ve generations of earthly gods
Æ
Emperor
Jinmu
P
Æ
all subsequent emperors
Æ
Emperor Daigo
Æ
Kõbõ Daishi
It appears that even before Emperor Daigo wrote down the
Reikiki
,
according to the traditional attribution, the mudras and mantras of
Reiki kanjõ
were being transmitted from one generation of gods and
sovereigns to the other.
There exists another transmission lineage (
kechimyaku
»
T
) of the
Reiki kanjõ
. Dated 1513 (Eishõ 10), it is known as the “transmission
through the Three Countries” (
sangoku sõjõ
X
³
o
¾
) across India,
China, and Japan (“Reiki kanjõ kechimyaku
’
z
!
™
»
T
,” in A
BE
2000, p. 84):
Mah„vairocana
Æ
Vajrasattva
Æ
N„g„rjuna
Æ
N„gabodhi
Æ
Vajrabodhi
Æ
Amoghavajra (Shanwuwei)
Æ
Huiguo
Æ
Kõbõ
Daishi
Æ
Shinga
O
h
Æ
(a list of other priests)
Æ
Gyõkei
Æ
Gyõyo
Æ
Raiyð
þ»
Æ
Jisshin
×
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
289
This chart was handed down by the Kõkyõ section
]
î
¾
of Hojuin
branch
˜
3
Š
H
of the Hirosawa
b
å
lineage of the Shingon school,
and many copies of it exist. In this case, the
Reiki kanjõ
follows the
transmission of the teaching concerning the Vajra realm according to
the Shingon school. The
Reikiki
was thus treated as an esoteric Bud-
dhist scripture.
However, a very different transmission chart has also been found. It
comes from a collection of initiatory documents of the Goryð lineage.
Its peculiarity lies in describing the transmission of the
Reikiki
as a
combination of that of esoteric Buddhism and of the
Nihon shoki
. An
abbreviated rendering is presented in Figure 1 (“Kechimyaku zu
»
T
o
,” in I
TÕ
2000b, pp. 86–87).
This chart, based on the
kechimyaku
of the Ono-ryð
·
Ÿ
H
, the
other main ritual tradition of the Shingon establishment, presents the
interesting case of a mutual transmission between Kðkai and Emperor
Saga. The transmission of esoteric Buddhism across the Three Countries
from Mah„vairocana through Kðkai, and the transmission of the
Nihon shoki
in Japan from the primordial god Kunitokotachi to the
current emperors, intersect in Kðkai and Emperor Saga and subse-
quently proceed again along separate paths, those of the emperors
and of the Shingon clergy. This combinatory chart represents well
both
honji suijaku
religious discourse and the political theology of the
interdependence of imperial establishment and Buddhist institutions
(
õbõ buppõ
÷
À[À
). In this context, Kðkai and Emperor Saga were
considered as the human links between these two different discourses.
As Ryõhen reports in his
Nihon shoki shikenmon
, when Kðkai and
Saichõ taught Emperor Saga the mudras and mantras they had
learned in China, they realized that they were exactly the same as
those taught in the
Nihon shoki
. Then, the
kannushi
P
ü
of Hirano
r
Ÿ
transmitted to Saichõ and Kðkai the mudras and mantras of the kami
(
shintõ inmyõ
P
Š
|
g
)—an event that is traditionally considered to be
at the origin of Shingon and Tendai
Nihon shoki kanjõ
(quoted in
Ryõhen’s
Nihon shoki shi kenmon
; see also H
ARA
1998).
Conclusion
So far, we have seen the developments of
shintõ kanjõ
from their incep-
tion in the Kamakura period to the time of maximum diffusion dur-
ing the Edo period. I have suggested that these rituals began as a way
to transmit specialized knowledge on kami-related matters within a
cultural context, that of medieval Japan, which was heavily inµuenced
by esoteric Buddhist doctrines and practices. These rituals are one of
the most interesting phenomena of so-called Ryõbu shintõ. Even a
290
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
cursory look at the extant material suggests that this tradition, despite
its unquestionable medieval origin and µavor, really µourished during
the Tokugawa period. On the basis of a preliminary investigation of
the colophons of Miwa documents, we can identify at least three
major waves of diffusion of Shinto texts and rituals associated with
Shingon temples: the ³rst in the early seventeenth century, the sec-
ond in the second half of the eighteenth century, and the third, by far
the most intensive, during the ³rst half of the nineteenth century.
This discursive realm began to collapse in the late Edo period, when
the efforts of Yoshida priests and Kokugaku
³
¿
activists gradually
undermined the social and intellectual grounds of Buddhist-inspired
kami cults. The ³nal blow came with the anti-Buddhist persecutions
during the early stages of the Meiji Restoration, which targeted most
violently the most widespread manifestations of combinatory religio-
sity. Today, it appears that
shintõ kanjõ
are still occasionally performed
on Mt. Kõya, but they do not play any active religious role. These initi-
ation rituals are now relics from a distant past and a different culture.
This situation explains the obscurity in which these rituals are still
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
291
Transmission of the
Reikiki
across the Three Countries
Mah„vairocana
Vajrasattva
Kunitokotachi no mikoto
Nag„rjuna
seven generations of heavenly gods
N„gabodhi
Amaterasu
Vajrabodhi
five generations of earthly gods
Amoghavajra
Emperor Jinmu
Huiguo
(all other emperors through)
Kõbõ Daishi
Emperor Saga
Ø
`
Shinga
(all other emperors through)
other priests
Emperor Daigo
Figure 1
shrouded. For example, it is not clear what was actually transmitted
during
shintõ kanjõ
: Is a form of salvation provided by texts such as the
Nihon shoki
or the
Reikiki?
Is the secret meaning of certain texts accord-
ing to some speci³c lineage given? If so, is the meaning given for por-
tions of texts or for entire texts or for both? More importantly, it is
also not clear who actually were the recipients of such initiations and
why they felt the need to perform them. We have several names of
Buddhist priests who participated in
shintõ kanjõ
, but little or nothing
is known about them, and especially about their motives. Were these
people related to shrines af³liated with Buddhist institutions? Were
they looking for an alternative soteriology? Were they simply interested
in kami myths? Or was their interest more related to identity issues
such as the nature and speci³city of Japan, as is indicated by the ritu-
als’ emphasis on the sacredness of the realm?
41
We also do not know
whether
shintõ kanjõ
was performed for laypersons. Some texts, such
as
Miwaryð shintõ genryð shð
, seem to suggest that they were intended
not only for the Buddhist clergy, but also for commoners. That is cer-
tainly a possibility. After all, many Buddhist rituals dealing with kami-
related matters were conceived for laypersons, such as the Miwa rites
for professionals and housewives (see R
AMBELLI
, forthcoming b). How-
ever, we do not know the extent of the diffusion of Buddhist rituals of
this kind, and especially, their recipients and their motives.
The symbolic and ideological content of these rituals also deserves
further analysis. As we have seen, Buddhist priests took pains to study
non-Buddhist texts and went through initiation rituals that were often
very complicated, time-consuming, and presumably quite expensive.
Through those rituals, the initiates became equal with the emperor:
they acquired the three sacred regalia that symbolize the emperor’s
legitimacy. Furthermore, they also became identical with a “Shinto”
deity, thus creating a new soteriology that replaced the usual idea of
“becoming a buddha” (
jõbutsu
¨
[
) with a form of “becoming a kami”;
all this was related to an awareness of the speci³city of Japan as a
sacred place. This was undoubtedly a practical development of
honji
suijaku
discourse that requires more attention.
What is particularly striking in
shintõ kanjõ
is the imperial imagery
that pervades them, and the idea that a form of secret knowledge,
that was originally intended only for the emperor, was now available to
at least some Buddhist priests who had no connection with the imperial
clan and no intention to exercise political power. It would be wrong to
interpret such imperial imagery as an indication of the symbolic and
292
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies
29/3–4
41
On the discourse on Japan’s sacredness (
shinkoku shisõ
P
³
„
`
), see K
URODA
1996;
R
AMBELLI
1996; R
AMBELLI
(forthcoming a).
emotional importance of the emperor in medieval and early-modern
society. On the contrary, the fact that even people of non-aristocratic
origin could have access to the imperial regalia and to the very secrets
of the imperium—e.g., the political theology underlying the status of
the Japanese sovereign—suggests that the emperor was at the time
probably nothing more than a mythological ³gure and not a real per-
son endowed with speci³c powers.
The fact that the recipients of these rituals were (primarily?) Bud-
dhist priests, for whom these rituals were something additional to
their normal training, points to an interest in forms of symbolic and
religious imagery outside the standard Buddhist curriculum. This
could be read as an indication of either a decrease in Buddhism’s sym-
bolic power, or vice versa as an increase in Buddhism’s power to
encompass newly arising symbolic formations. Either way, these rituals
gave legitimacy to developing Shinto discourses concerning the
sacredness of Japan and the sacred foundations of social order and
ideology. Especially during the Muromachi period, a time of social
change and unrest, the study of texts and the performance of rituals
related to the core of the imperium appear as attempts to control
social instability and cultural change in a ritual and metaphysical way,
by people such as mid-ranking priests who were gradually losing their
autonomy to regional feudal lords or larger religious institutions—
people whose world was falling apart and who were looking for meta-
physical reasons to believe that that was not true. But this is not the
only possible explanation. These rituals and the secret knowledge
they transmitted could also have been used by the initiated as a way to
better interact in the new social, ideological, and cultural climate, by
providing regional feudal lords, household chiefs, leaders of profes-
sional guilds, and intellectuals with the essential know-how of the
metaphysical functioning of power. This is probably what happened
during the Edo period. What is common to both interpretations, how-
ever, is a diffusion of imperial prerogatives and knowledge, and the
consequent empowerment of commoners. In other words, and in
spite of contemporary appearances, late medieval and early-modern
Shinto ideas and practices had a transgressive component, represented
by their endeavor to eliminate distinctions and barriers separating
sacred and profane, gods and human beings, commoners and the
emperor. Perhaps here lies one of the deep reasons for the appeal of
late medieval and early-modern Shinto discourses (or, at least, some
of them). In any case, a social history of
shintõ kanjõ
has yet to be
attempted. We will only know how true the above speculations are
after we ³nd more information about the larger social and ideological
contexts of these rituals.
R
AMBELLI
: The Ritual World of Buddhist “Shinto”
293
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