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PROJECT AIR FORCE
The Maritime
Dimension of
International Security
Terrorism, Piracy, and Challenges
for the United States
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objective analysis and effective solutions that address the challenges
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Chalk, Peter.
The maritime dimension of international security : terrorism, piracy, and
challenges for the United States / Peter Chalk.
p. cm.
“The research presented here was sponsored within RAND’s Project AirForce
(PAF) Strategy and Doctrine Program, as part of a wider effort exploring new
concepts for joint U.S. air-naval operationsâ€â€”Pref.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 978-0-8330-4299-6 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Merchant marine—Security measures—United States. 2. Security,
International. 3. Shipping—Security measures. 4. Maritime terrorism—Prevention.
5. Terrorism—Prevention. 6. Piracy—Prevention. 7. Unified operations (Military
science)—United States. I. Title.
VK203.C48
2008
359'.030973—dc22
2008014133
iii
Preface
In today’s global environment, transnational security challenges—
so-called grey-area phenomena—pose serious and dynamic challenges
to national and international stability. These dangers, which cannot
be readily defeated by the traditional defenses that states have erected
to protect both their territories and populaces, reflect the remarkable
fluidity that currently characterizes world politics—a setting in which
it is no longer apparent exactly who can do what to whom with what
means. The maritime realm is especially conducive to these types of
threat contingencies given its vast, largely unregulated, and opaque
nature. Two speciï¬c issues that have elicited particular attention are
piracy and seaborne terrorism. This monograph assesses the nature,
scope, and dimensions of these two manifestations of nonstate violence
at sea, the extent to which they are or are not interrelated, and their
overall relevance to U.S. national and international security interests.
The research presented here was sponsored within the RAND
Project AIR FORCE (PAF) Strategy and Doctrine Program as a part
of a ï¬scal year 2006 study, “Exploring New Concepts for Joint Air-
Naval Operations.†The monograph draws heavily on interviews with
maritime experts and intelligence and security analysts who, given the
sensitivity of the subject matter, requested that their comments and
insights be used on a not-for-attribution basis. Names and affiliated
organizations of these individuals have therefore been omitted from
the text.
iv The Maritime Dimension of International Security
RAND Project AIR FORCE
RAND Project AIR FORCE, a division of the RAND Corporation, is
the U.S. Air Force’s federally funded research and development center
for studies and analyses. PAF provides the Air Force with independent
analyses of policy alternatives affecting the development, employment,
combat readiness, and support of current and future aerospace forces.
Research is conducted in four programs: Aerospace Force Develop-
ment; Manpower, Personnel, and Training; Resource Management;
and Strategy and Doctrine.
Additional information about PAF is available on our Web site:
v
Contents
Preface
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
iii
Figures
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
vii
Tables
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ix
Summary
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
xi
Acknowledgments
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
xvii
Abbreviations
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
xix
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1
CHAPTER TWO
Piracy
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5
Scope and Dimensions
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5
Factors Accounting for the Emergence of Piracy in the
Contemporary Era
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10
The Dangers of Piracy
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
14
CHAPTER THREE
Maritime Terrorism
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
19
CHAPTER FOUR
A Piracy–Terrorism Nexus?
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
31
vi The Maritime Dimension of International Security
CHAPTER FIVE
Relevance to the United States
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
35
Threat Priorities
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
36
Principal Security Initiatives Spearheaded by the United States
. . . . . . . . . . .
38
CHAPTER SIX
Policy Recommendations
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
43
APPENDIX
Selected High-Proï¬le Maritime Terrorist Incidents, 1961–2004
. . . . . . .
47
References
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
53
vii
Figures
2.1. Actual and Attempted Acts of Piracy, 1994–2006
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8
2.2. Pirate Incident Locations, 2006
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10
ix
Tables
2.1. Types of Violence to Crew and Passengers, 1995–2006
. . . . . . . . .
9
A.1. Selected High-Proï¬le Maritime Terrorist Incidents,
1961–2004
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
48
xi
Summary
Maritime Piracy
Scope and Dimensions
A total of 2,463 actual or attempted acts of piracy were registered
around the world between 2000 and the end of 2006. This represents
an annual average incident rate of 352, a substantial increase over the
mean of 209 recorded for the period of 1994–1999.
The concentration of pirate attacks continues to be greatest in
Southeast Asia, especially in the waters around the Indonesian archi-
pelago (including stretches of the Malacca Straits that fall under the
territorial jurisdiction of the Jakarta government), which accounted for
roughly 25 percent of all global incidents during 2006.
Factors Accounting for the Emergence of Piracy in the
Contemporary Era
Seven main factors have contributed to the general emergence of
piracy in the contemporary era. First and most fundamentally, there
has been a massive increase in commercial maritime traffic. Combined
with the large number of ports around the world, this growth has pro-
vided pirates with an almost limitless range of tempting, high-payoff
targets.
Second is the higher incidence of seaborne commercial traffic that
passes through narrow and congested maritime chokepoints. These
bottlenecks require ships to signiï¬cantly reduce speed to ensure safe
passage, which dramatically heightens their exposure to midsea inter-
ception and attack.
xii The Maritime Dimension of International Security
Third, and speciï¬cally relevant to Southeast Asia, has been the
lingering effects of the Asian ï¬nancial crisis. Not only did this event
exert a stronger “pull factor†on piracy—with more people (including
members of the security forces) drawn to maritime and other crime—
it also deprived many littoral states of the necessary revenue to fund
effective monitoring regimes over their coastlines.
Fourth, the general difficulties associated with maritime surveil-
lance have been signiï¬cantly heightened as a result of the events of Sep-
tember 11, 2001, and the concomitant pressure that has been exerted
on many governments to invest in expensive, land-based homeland
security initiatives.
Fifth, lax coastal and port-side security have played an important
role in enabling low-level piratical activity, especially harbor thefts of
goods from ships at anchor.
Sixth, corruption and emergent voids of judicial prerogative have
encouraged official complicity in high-level pirate rings, which has
impacted directly on the “phantom ship†phenomenon.
1
Seventh, the global proliferation of small arms has provided pirates
(as well as terrorists and other criminal elements) with an enhanced
means to operate on a more destructive and sophisticated level.
The Dangers of Piracy
The dangers associated with contemporary piracy are complex and
multifaceted. At the most basic level, attacks constitute a direct threat
to the lives and welfare of the citizens of a variety of flag states. Piracy
also has a direct economic impact in terms of fraud, stolen cargos, and
delayed trips, and could potentially undermine a maritime state’s trad-
ing ability.
Politically, piracy can play a pivotal role in undermining and
weakening regime legitimacy by encouraging corruption among
elected government officials. Finally, attacks have the potential to
trigger a major environmental disaster, particularly if they take place in
crowded sea-lanes traversed by heavily laden oil tankers.
1
The
phantom ship
phenomenon involves the outright hijacking of oceangoing vessels and
their reregistration under flags of convenience for the purposes of illicit trade.
Summary xiii
Terrorism
Over the past six years, there has been a modest yet highly discern-
ible spike in high-proï¬le terrorist attacks and plots at sea. These vari-
ous incidents have galvanized fears in the West that terrorists, espe-
cially militants connected with the international jihadist network, are
moving to decisively extend operational mandates beyond purely ter-
ritorially bounded theaters.
Five main factors explain the presumed shift in extremist focus to
water-based environments. First, many of the vulnerabilities that have
encouraged a higher rate of pirate attacks also apply to terrorism.
Second, the growth of commercial enterprises specializing in
maritime sports and equipment has arguably provided terrorists with a
readily accessible conduit through which to gain the necessary training
and resources for operating at sea.
Third, maritime attacks offer terrorists an alternate means of caus-
ing mass economic destabilization. Disrupting the mechanics of the
contemporary “just enough, just in time†cargo freight trading system
could potentially trigger vast and cascading ï¬scal effects, especially if
the operations of a major commercial port were curtailed.
Fourth, sea-based terrorism constitutes a further means of inflict-
ing mass coercive punishment on enemy audiences. Cruise ships and
passenger ferries are especially relevant in this regard because they
cater to large numbers of people who are conï¬ned in a single physical
space.
Finally, the expansive global container-shipping complex offers
terrorists a viable logistical conduit for facilitating the covert move-
ment of weapons and personnel in two critical respects. First, because
much of the maritime trading system is designed to be as accessible
and flexible as possible (to keep costs low and turnover high), there
is no strong incentive to enact a stringent (and disruptive) regime of
security measures. Second, the highly complex nature of the container-
ized supply chain, combined with the ineffectiveness of point-of-origin
inspections, creates a plethora of openings for terrorist inï¬ltration by
providing extremists with numerous opportunities to “stuff†or other-
wise tamper with boxed crates.
xiv The Maritime Dimension of International Security
A Terrorism–Piracy Nexus?
Complicating the maritime threat picture is growing speculation that
a tactical nexus could emerge between piracy and terrorism. One of
the main concerns is that extremist groups will seek to overcome exist-
ing operational constraints in sea-based capabilities by working in con-
junction with or subcontracting out missions to maritime crime gangs
and syndicates.
The presumed convergence between maritime terrorism and
piracy remains highly questionable, however. To date, there has been
no credible evidence to support speculation about such a nexus emerg-
ing. Just as importantly, the objectives of the two actors remain entirely
distinct.
That said, the possibility of a possible conflation between piracy
and terrorism has informed the perceptions of governments, interna-
tional organizations, and major shipping interests around the world.
There have been persistent reports of political extremists boarding ves-
sels in Southeast Asia in an apparent effort to learn how to pilot them
for a rerun of 9/11 at sea. Indeed, such a specter was a principal factor in
driving the Lloyd’s Joint War Council to briefly designate the Malacca
Straits as an area of enhanced risk in 2005.
Relevance to the United States
The United States has been at the forefront of several moves to upgrade
global maritime security over the last ï¬ve years, including
the Container Security Initiative
the International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code
the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI)
the Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism.
In addition to these measures, the United States has been instru-
mental in instituting regional maritime security initiatives and capacity
building in areas recognized as vital to U.S. counterterrorism strategy.
•
•
•
•
Summary xv
On the positive side, these initiatives have helped to lend a degree
of transparency to what has hitherto been a highly opaque theater. On
the negative side, these programs suffer from three critical shortfalls as
presently conï¬gured:
They are limited in scope.
They are largely directed at strengthening the security “wallâ€
around commercial seaborne traffic, paying scant attention to
contingencies that do not involve containerized cargo.
With particular reference to the ISPS Code, there is still no deï¬n-
itive means of effectively auditing how well extant measures are
being implemented by participating states or, indeed, to gauge
their overall utility in terms of dock-side security.
Policy Recommendations
At the policy level, there are at least four major contributions that
the United States could make to better safeguard the global oceanic
environment, including the following: (1) helping to further expand
the nascent regime of post-9/11 maritime security; (2) informing the
parameters of bilateral and multilateral maritime security collabora-
tion by conducting regular and rigorous threat assessments; (3) assist-
ing with redeï¬ning mandates of existing multilateral security and
defense arrangements to allow them to play a more effective and inclu-
sive role in countering maritime (and other transnational) threats; and
(4) encouraging the commercial maritime industry to make greater use
of enabling communication and defensive technologies and accept a
greater degree of transparency in its corporate structures.
In more speciï¬c terms, U.S. funds and support could be usefully
directed at (1) boosting the coastal monitoring and interdiction capa-
bilities of states in areas of strategic maritime importance; (2) actively
supporting the International Maritime Bureau’s piracy reporting center
in Malaysia; (3) augmenting port security management; and (4) spon-
soring research into cost-effective initiatives for better securing ships
and oceanic freight.
•
•
•
xvii
Acknowledgments
The author would like to thank the two reviewers of this mono-
graph—Martin Murphy of the University of Reading, UK, and Wil-
liam Rosenau of the RAND Corporation—for sharing their insights,
probing for weaknesses, correcting errors, and helping to improve the
overall quality of the analysis. The author would also like to acknowl-
edge the numerous maritime experts and intelligence and security ana-
lysts who agreed to be interviewed for the study but who asked not to
be identiï¬ed by name or affiliated organization. Finally, a special debt
of gratitude is owed to the editor, Erin-Elizabeth Johnson, for her thor-
ough review of the initial manuscript.
All omissions and errors are the sole responsibility of the author.
xix
Abbreviations
AER
area of enhanced risk
AFC
Asian ï¬nancial crisis
ATTF
Antiterrorism Task Force (Phillipines)
CBP
Coast Guard and Border Protection
CSI
Container Security Initiative
CTF-150
Combined Task Force-150
C-TPAT
Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism
DoD
Department of Defense
FoC
flag of convenience
GAO
Government Accountability Office
GFS
Global Fleet Station
GPS
Global Positioning System
IDSS
Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies
IMB
International Maritime Bureau
ISPS
International Ship and Port Facility Security
JI
Jemaah Islamyya
JWC
Joint War Council (Lloyd’s)
xx The Maritime Dimension of International Security
KFR
kidnap for extortion
MTSA
Maritime Transport Security Act
NUMAST
National Union of Maritime Aviation and Shipping
Transport Officers
PIRA
Provisional Irish Republican Army
PSI
Proliferation Security Initiative
RPG
rocket-propelled grenade
SLOC
sea-lane of communication
UNCLOS
United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
1
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the European communist
eastern bloc in 1991, it was conï¬dently assumed that the international
system was on the threshold of an era of unprecedented peace and sta-
bility. Politicians, academics, and diplomats alike increasingly began to
forecast the imminent establishment of a new world order that would be
managed by liberal democratic institutions and would develop within
the context of an integrated global economy based on the principles of
the free market.
1
As this unprecedented interstate structure emerged
and took root, destabilizing threats to national and international secu-
rity were expected to decline commensurately.
However, the initial euphoria evoked by the end of the Cold War
has been systematically replaced by a growing sense that global stabil-
ity has not been achieved, and has in fact been decisively undermined
by transnational security challenges, or “gray-area†phenomena. These
threats, which cannot be readily defeated by the traditional defenses
that states have erected to protect both their territories and populaces,
reflect the remarkable fluidity that currently characterizes international
politics—a setting in which it is no longer exactly apparent who can
do what to whom with what means. Moreover, it has become increas-
ingly apparent in the contemporary era that violence and the readiness
1
See, for example, The International Monetary Fund,
World Economic Outlook
, Washing-
ton, D.C., 1991, pp. 26–27.
2 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
to kill are being used by the weak to create identity, rather than simply
express it.
2
Stated more directly, the geopolitical landscape that presently
confronts the global community lacks the relative stability of the linear
Cold War division between East and West. Indeed, many of today’s
dangers are qualitatively different from classical security threats of
overt military aggression stemming from a clearly deï¬ned sovereign
source. Rather, security, conflict, and general threat deï¬nition have
become far more opaque, diffuse, and amorphous.
3
The maritime realm is particularly conducive to these types of
threat contingencies because of its vast and largely unregulated nature.
Covering 139,768,200 square miles,
4
most of this environment takes
the form of high seas that lie beyond the strict jurisdiction of any one
state, constituting an area that is, by deï¬nition, anarchic. These “over
the horizon†oceans are fringed and linked by a complex lattice of ter-
ritorial waters, estuaries, and riverine systems. These bodies of water
are often poorly monitored and, according to internationally recog-
nized jurisprudence, exist as entirely distinct and independent entities.
5
Combined, these various traits and practices have imbued the planet’s
aquatic expanse with the type of unpredictable and lawless qualities
that Thomas Hobbes once famously wrote made life “nasty, brutish,
and short.â€
Two speciï¬c threats that have been particularly highlighted are
piracy and maritime terrorism. This monograph assesses the nature,
scope, and dimensions of these two manifestations of armed violence
at sea, the extent to which they are or are not interrelated, and their
overall relevance to U.S. national and international security interests.
2
“Terrorism and the Warfare of the Weak,â€
The Guardian
, October 27, 1993.
3
Peter Chalk,
Non-Military Security and Global Order: The Impact of Extremism
,
Violence
and Chaos on National and International Security
, London: Macmillan, 2000, pp. 1–2.
4
This equates to approximately 2.42 times the planet’s terrestrial surface area.
5
Rupert Herbert-Burns, “Terrorism in the Early 21st Century Maritime Domain,†in
Joshua Ho and Catherine Zara Raymond, eds.,
The Best of Times
,
the Worst of Times: Mari-
time Security in the Asia-Paciï¬c
, Singapore: World Scientiï¬c Publishing, 2005, p. 157.
Introduction 3
For the purposes of the analysis, the following two deï¬nitions will be
used:
Piracy
is an act of boarding or attempting to board any ship with
the apparent intent to commit theft or any other crime and with
the apparent intent or capability to use force in furtherance of
that act.
6
Maritime
terrorism
refers to the undertaking of terrorist acts
and activities (1) within the maritime environment, (2) using or
against vessels or ï¬xed platforms at sea or in port, or against any
one of their passengers or personnel, (3) against coastal facili-
ties or settlements, including tourist resorts, port areas and port
towns or cities.
7
6
This deï¬nition is the one used by the International Maritime Bureau (IMB). It is wider
than the conceptualization adopted under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law
of the Sea (UNCLOS), which restricts its focus only to attacks that take place on the high
seas (which is problematic, because the majority of piratical incidents occur in territorial
or coastal waters). The IMB deï¬nition also abolishes the traditional two-ship requirement,
meaning that attacks from a raft or even the dockside would be counted as an act of piracy.
See, for instance, Derek Johnson, Erika Pladdet, and Mark Valencia, “Research on Southeast
Asian Piracy,†in Derek Johnson and Mark Valencia, eds.,
Piracy in Southeast Asia
, Singa-
pore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2005, pp. xi–xii. Also see Commercial Crime
Services, “International Maritime Bureau—Overview,†Web page, 2007.
7
This deï¬nition is used by the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Paciï¬c Work-
ing Group on Maritime Terrorism. Although relatively broad, it captures the essential quali-
ties of the phenomenon in question. See Graham Ong, “Ships Can Be Dangerous Too: Cou-
pling Piracy and Terrorism in Southeast Asia’s Maritime Security Framework,†in Johnson
and Valencia (2005), pp. 61–62; Sophia Quentin, “Shipping Activities: Targets of Maritime
Terrorism,â€
MIRMAL
, Vol. 2, January 20, 2003; and Metaparti Prakash, “Maritime Terror-
ism: Threats to Port and Container Security and Scope for Regional Co-operation,†paper
presented at the 12th Meeting of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Paciï¬c
Working Group on Maritime Co-operation, Singapore, December 10–11, 2002, p. 1.
5
CHAPTER TWO
Piracy
Scope and Dimensions
Three main types of piracy currently occur in global waters. At the
low end are anchorage attacks mounted against ships at harbor. This
form of piracy has exploited the relatively relaxed security proce-
dures employed at many ports around the world. The IMB describes
these types of assault as low-level armed robbery: opportunist attacks
mounted close to land by small, high-speed craft crewed by maritime
“muggers†normally armed with knives. Their purpose is typically to
seize cash and portable high-value personal items with an average haul
of $5,000–15,000.
1
A more serious manifestation of piracy is the ransacking and rob-
bery of vessels on the high seas or in territorial waters. This style of
attack, if carried out in narrow sea-lanes, has the potential to seriously
disrupt maritime navigation (especially in instances where vessels run
amok because the crew is kidnapped, detained, or thrown overboard).
The IMB describes these assaults as medium-level armed robbery: vio-
lent thefts involving serious injury or murder by well-organized gangs
1
Chalk, 2000, p. 58; Edward Fursdon, “Sea Piracy—or Maritime Mugging?â€
INTERSEC
,
Vol. 6, No. 5, May 1996, p. 166; Stanley Weeks, “Law and Order at Sea: Paciï¬c Cooperation
in Dealing with Piracy, Drugs and Illegal Migration,†in Sam Bateman and Stephen Bates,
eds.,
Calming the Waters: Initiatives for Asia-Paciï¬c Maritime Cooperation
, Canberra: Strate-
gic and Defence Studies Centre, 1996, p. 44.
6 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
who usually operate from a “mother ship†and are equipped with
modern weaponry.
2
At the high end of the spectrum are assaults involving the out-
right theft of ships and their subsequent conversion for the purposes of
illegal trading (although ship owners are also known to have arranged
such attacks in order to defraud hull insurers). Often referred to as the
“phantom ship†phenomenon, this form of piracy follows a typical pat-
tern. A vessel is ï¬rst seized and its cargo offloaded into lighters at sea.
The ships are then renamed and reregistered under flags of convenience
(FoCs)
3
and issued with false documentation to enable them to take on
fresh payloads. The new cargo, which is never delivered to its intended
destination, is taken to a designated port where it is sold to a buyer who
is often a willing participant in the venture. The IMB describes these
assaults as major criminal hijacks that are well-resourced and meticu-
lously planned, employing highly trained and heavily armed syndicates
working in conjunction with land-based operatives and brokers.
4
A total of 2,463 actual or attempted acts of piracy were regis-
tered around the world between 2000 and the end of 2006.
5
This rep-
resents an annual average incident rate of 352, a substantial increase
over the mean of 209 recorded for the period of 1994–1999 (see
2
Chalk, 2000,
pp. 58, 123; Fursdon, 1996, p. 66; Mark Valencia, “Piracy and Terrorism in
Southeast Asia: Similarities, Differences and Their Implications,†in Johnson and Valencia,
2005, pp. 80–81.
3
Ships are generally reregistered with shipping bureaus in Panama, Liberia, the Bahamas,
Malta, Cyprus, or Bermuda because their registration requirements are neither expensive nor
stringent. See, for example, Catherine Meldrum, “Murky Waters: Financing Maritime Ter-
rorism and Crime,â€
Jane’s Intelligence Review
, June 2007, pp. 36–39.
4
Chalk, 2000, pp. 58, 62. For a good overview of the mechanics of the phantom ship
phenomenon, see Jayant Abyankar, “Phantom Ships,†in Eric Ellen, ed.,
Shipping at Risk
,
London: International Chamber of Commerce, 1997, pp. 58–75.
5
International Maritime Bureau,
Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships: Annual Report
2006
, London, 2007, p. 3; International Maritime Bureau,
Piracy and Armed Robbery Against
Ships: Annual Report 2005
, London, 2006, p. 4. It should be noted that this global ï¬gure
masks signiï¬cant regional variations in the annual incident rate of piracy during this period.
While some parts of the world were severely affected (for example, Southeast Asia and the
seas off the Horn of Africa), others remained largely free of attacks (for example, North
America and Western Europe).
Piracy 7
Figure 2.1).
6
The actual problem of piracy in global waters is undoubt-
edly far greater than these ï¬gures suggest, since a number of attacks—
possibly as many as 50 percent—are not reported. Officials with the
IMB in Kuala Lumpur assert that most ship owners are reluctant to
alert authorities about attacks on their vessels, largely because subse-
quent investigations and delays result in costs that the ship compa-
nies themselves must bear.
7
Exacerbating this reluctance is the fear that
reporting incidents will merely raise maritime insurance premiums by
forcing owner-operators to acknowledge that they were not practic-
ing basic security measures (such as maintaining a regular antipiracy
watch).
8
The combined magnitude of losses associated with reporting
incidents would, in most cases, greatly outweigh those resulting from a
piracy attack; in instances of low-level theft, ransacking, and hostage-
taking, for example, costs tend to represent only two to ten percent of
the value of the targeted boat and its cargo.
9
While the overall lethality of piracy has dropped in recent years,
violence continues to be a principal characteristic of many assaults. In
the 515 attacks between 2005 and 2006, for instance, the IMB docu-
mented a total of 826 serious transgressions against ship crews and
passengers, including 628 hostage takings, 90 kidnappings for ransom
(KFR), and 54 deaths and injuries (see Table 2.1). The 440 hostage-
takings in 2005 remains the highest annual ï¬gure on record.
10
The concentration of pirate attacks continues to be greatest in
Southeast Asia, especially the waters around the Indonesian archi-
6
International Maritime Bureau, 2006,
p. 4.
7
According to analysts in Malaysia, the losses incurred by delays to onward journeys
(known as demurrage costs) hurt ship owners the most. These losses, which can reach
$20,000–30,000 per day, are especially severe in countries where police authorities lack effi-
ciency or professionalism, both of which can result in investigations that take weeks or even
months to complete. Author interviews with maritime analysts and IMB officials, Kuala
Lumpur, August 26, 2006.
8
While maintaining a vigilant antipiracy watch is probably one of the best ways to preempt
a pirate attack, many ship owners do not do this because it entails hiring extra crew (which
would elevate overall operating costs and therefore reduce proï¬ts).
9
Author interviews with IMB staff and maritime analysts, Kuala Lumpur, August, 2006.
10
International Maritime Bureau, 2007,
p. 9.
8 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
pelago (including stretches of the Malacca Straits that fall under the
territorial jurisdiction of the Jakarta government), where roughly 21
percent of all global incidents during 2006 occurred. Other high-risk
zones included the coasts and territorial seas around Nigeria, Somalia,
the Gulf of Aden/Red Sea, Tanzania, Peru, Bangladesh, and Malaysia,
which, collectively, accounted for half of the year’s attacks (see Figure
2.2).
11
The high incidence of piracy in these areas reflects a range of
factors, including growing volumes of trade, insufficient coastal/port
surveillance, corruption, a lack of adequate marine policing resources,
and ready access to weaponry.
12
Because these variables are directly rel-
evant to the general surge in piracy over the last ï¬fteen years, they are
discussed in more detail below.
11
International Maritime Bureau, 2007, p. 5.
12
Author interviews with IMB staff, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006.
Figure 2.1
Actual and Attempted Acts of Piracy, 1994–2006
0
100
200
300
400
500
1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
SOURCE: International Maritime Bureau, 2007.
RAND
MG697-2.1
A
ctual
and
at
tempte
d
at
ta
ck
s
P
ir
a
c
y 9
Table 2.1
Types of Violence to Crew and Passengers, 1995–2006
Type
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
Taken hostage
320
193
419
244
402
202
210
191
359
148
440
188
KFR
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
86
13
77
Threatened
59
56
119
68
21
72
45
55
65
34
14
17
Assaulted
2
9
23
58
22
9
16
9
40
12
6
2
Injured
3
9
31
37
24
99
39
38
88
59
24
15
Killed
26
26
51
78
3
72
21
10
21
32
0
15
Missing
0
0
0
0
1
26
0
24
71
30
12
3
Total for year
410
293
643
485
473
480
331
327
644
401
509
317
SOURCE: International Maritime Bureau, 2007
.
10 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
Factors Accounting for the Emergence of Piracy in the
Contemporary Era
Seven main factors have contributed to the emergence of piracy in
the contemporary era. First has been the massive increase in commer-
cial maritime traffic. Today, roughly 80 percent of all global freight is
transshipped by sea; 12 million to 15 million containers are estimated
to be on the world’s oceans at any one time. In 2002, this included
5.9 billion metric tons of oil and bulk commodities as well as gen-
eral cargo packed in containers.
13
Combined with the large number of
ports around the world—there are some 6,591 terminals currently in
13
Michael Richardson,
A Time Bomb for Global Trade
, Singapore: Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, 2004, p. 3. See also Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Develop-
ment,
Security in Maritime Transport: Risk Factors and Economic Impact
, Paris, July 2003,
p. 3.
Figure 2.2
Pirate Incident Locations, 2006
SOURCE: International Maritime Bureau, 2007.
RAND
MG697-2.2
Indonesia
21%
Bangladesh
20%
Nigeria 5%
Malacca
Straits
5%
Somalia
4%
Malaysia 4%
Tanzania 4%
Peru 4%
Gulf of Aden/Red Sea
4%
Rest of world
29%
Piracy 11
operation—this has provided pirates with an almost limitless range of
tempting, high-payoff targets.
14
Second is the heavy use by seaborne commercial traffic of narrow
and congested maritime chokepoints near areas of endemic maritime
criminal or nonstate activity, such as the Malacca Straits, the Strait of
Bab el-Mandab, the Hormuz Straits, the Suez Canal, and the Panama
Canal. All of these bottlenecks require ships to signiï¬cantly reduce
speed to ensure safe passage (in the Bosphorus Straits, for instance,
at least six accidents occur every 1 million transit miles), which dra-
matically heightens their exposure to mid-sea interception and attack.
Exacerbating this vulnerability has been the growing tendency of
many shipping companies to replace full staffing complements with
skeleton crews—sometimes numbering no more than a half dozen
personnel—as a cost-cutting device. Although this has helped lower
operating costs, it has also made hijacking much easier.
15
Third, and speciï¬cally relevant to Southeast Asia, has been the
lingering effects of the Asian ï¬nancial crisis (AFC) that ï¬rst broke with
the forced devaluation of the Thai baht in mid-1997. This unprece-
dented event exerted a stronger “pull factor†on piracy, drawing more
people (including members of national security forces) into maritime
and other crime due to falling wages, higher food prices, and job losses.
It also deprived many littoral states of the revenue required to fund
effective monitoring over their coastlines.
16
These effects were particu-
larly evident in Indonesia, an enormous archipelagic state that suffered
acutely from the aftermath of the AFC. Indeed, since 1997, this coun-
14
Herbert-Burns, 2005, p. 157; Joshua Sinai, “Future Trends in Worldwide Maritime Ter-
rorism,â€
Connections: The Quarterly Journal
, Vol. 3, No. 1, March 2004, p. 49; and “Mari-
time Security Measures to Amplify Cost for Shipping,â€
Transport Security World
, July 29,
2003.
15
Author interviews with government officials, intelligence analysts, and maritime security
experts, Singapore, London, and Amsterdam, September 2005. See also Ali Koknar, “Mari-
time Terrorism: A New Challenge for NATO,â€
Energy Security
, January 24, 2005.
16
Chalk, 2000, p. 61.
12 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
try’s territorial waters have consistently ranked as the most pirate-prone
in the world.
17
Fourth, the general difficulties associated with maritime surveil-
lance have been signiï¬cantly heightened as a result of the events of Sep-
tember 11, 2001 and the concomitant pressure that has been exerted on
many governments to invest in expensive land-based homeland security
systems. In the case of governments that have consistently struggled to
secure their sovereign waters (e.g., the Philippines, Indonesia, Turkey,
Eritrea, and Kenya), these external demands have negatively affected
already limited resources designated for underwriting offshore moni-
toring systems.
18
Policy analysts contend that the resultant void has
been of particular beneï¬t to pirate syndicates, providing them with an
operational environment that is now highly conducive to their tactical
and material designs.
19
Fifth, lax coastal and port-side security have played an important
role in enabling low-level piratical activity, especially harbor thefts of
goods from ships at anchor. This problem has been especially acute
at terminals in Nigeria, off the Horn of Africa, and across South and
Southeast Asia. In many cases, there is either no functioning mari-
time police presence at all, or the units that are in place lack adequate
staff, boats, equipment, and training. The IMB remains particularly
concerned about the level of lawlessness in Somali waters (which cur-
rently rank as the most dangerous part of the world in terms of pirate
violence) to the extent that it has declared all stretches within 50 miles
17
Indonesia controls roughly three million square kilometers of archipelagic waters and
territorial seas, plus an additional three million square kilometers of continental shelf. It has
been estimated that Jakarta would require more than 300 vessels to effectively protect and
monitor this expansive maritime space (as well as human resources and technology dedicated
to that purpose). However, the country has only 115 vessels at its disposal, of which only 25
are ï¬t for operating at sea at any one time. Author interviews with IMB staff, Kuala Lumpur,
August 2006. See also Hasjim Djalal, “Combating Piracy: Co-operation, Needs, Efforts and
Challenges,†in Johnson and Valencia, 2005, p. 145.
18
Author interviews with intelligence officials and maritime security analysts, Singapore
and London, September 2005.
19
Author interviews with maritime analysts, intelligence officials. and security experts,
Washington, D.C., Singapore, London, and Amsterdam, August–September 2005.
Piracy 13
of the shore as an effective no-go area for maritime traffic.
20
The lack
of concerted port security in Bangladesh has also caused considerable
consternation, prompting several major international shipping orga-
nizations to take up the issue directly with government authorities on
a number of occasions.
21
Although the country has pledged to rectify
the situation, a signiï¬cant reduction in attacks has yet to occur. In
2003, for instance, Bangladesh recorded its highest annual piracy ï¬g-
ures (58 incidents) since 1992. Although numbers for 2004 dropped to
17, 2005 saw a 25 percent increase by the year’s end.
22
Sixth, corruption and dysfunctional systems of national criminal
justice have encouraged official complicity in high-level pirate rings,
which has directly affected the phantom ship phenomenon. According
to the IMB, in the Philippines, Indonesia, China and Thailand—all
states where syndicates enjoy direct or at least partial access to co-opted
or bribed members of the administration and bureaucracy—ships can
be hijacked “to order†for approximately $300,000.
23
These insiders
not only provide invaluable information about activities taking place
in the maritime commercial market, they also ensure that gangs are
kept abreast of actions that industry or law enforcement are taking to
counter their activities.
Finally, the global proliferation of small arms has provided pirates
(as well as terrorists and other criminal elements) with enhanced means
to operate on a more destructive and sophisticated level.
24
The vari-
20
Author interviews with IMB staff, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006. See also International
Maritime Bureau,
Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships: Report for the Period 1 January—
30 September 2005
, London, November 8, 2005, p. 23.
21
International Maritime Bureau,
Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships: Report for the
Period 1 January–30 June 2006
, p. 20; Chalk, 2000, p. 74. Similar concerns about the
security at Bangladeshi ports were expressed to the author during interviews with security
analysts in Bangkok, September 2006.
22
International Maritime Bureau, 2006, p. 5.
23
See Abyankar, 1997, pp. 69–70.
24
Overviews of the dynamics of the contemporary light arms trade can be found in Aaron
Karp, “Small Arms—The New Major Weapons,†in Jeffrey Boutwell and Michael T. Klare,
eds.,
Lethal Commerce: The Global Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons
, Cambridge,
Mass.: American Academy of Sciences, 1995; Michael T. Klare, “An Avalanche of Guns:
14 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
ety of weaponry currently available on global black markets is truly
enormous. Originating from sources in Africa, Asia, and Europe, it
includes anything from pistols, light/heavy machine guns, and auto-
matic assault rifles to antiship mines, handheld mortars, and rocket-
propelled grenades (RPGs).
25
Most commentators agree that ready
access to these munitions—most of which are readily transportable,
easy to handle, cheap, and durable—is one of the main factors contrib-
uting to the growing level of violence that has come to typify piracy
in recent years. As the current director of the IMB’s office in Kuala
Lumpur, Noel Choong, remarks: “Five to six years ago, when pirates
attacked, they used machetes, knives, and pistols. Today, they come
equipped with AK-47s, M-16s, rifle grenades, and RPGs.â€
26
The Dangers of Piracy
The dangers associated with contemporary piracy are complex and
multifaceted, having direct implications for human, political, eco-
nomic, and environmental security. At the most basic level, attacks
constitute a direct threat to the lives and welfare of the citizens of a
variety of flag states. As noted above, strikes are frequently violent and
can be expected to involve casualties. Disturbingly, there has been a
marked rise in physical assaults, with the 440 hostage takings in 2005
Light Weapons Trafficking and Armed Conflict in the Post-Cold War Era,†in Mary Kaldor
and Basker Vashee, eds.,
New Wars: Restructuring the Global Military Sector
, London: Pinter,
1997; Andrew Latham, “The Light Weapons Problem: Causes, Consequences and Policy
Options,†in Andrew Latham, ed.,
Multilateral Approaches to Non-Proliferation: Proceedings
of the 4
th
Canadian Non-Proliferation Workshop
, Toronto: Centre for International and Secu-
rity Studies, 1996; Anthony Davis, “Tracing the Dynamics of the Illicit Arms Trade,â€
Jane’s
Intelligence Review
, September 2003; Paul Eavis, “Awash with Light Weapons,â€
The World
Today
, April 1999; Chris Smith, “Light Weapons Proliferation: A Global Survey,â€
Jane’s
Intelligence Review
, July 1999; and Klare, “The Kalashnikov Age,â€
Bulletin of the Atomic Sci-
entists
, Vol. 55, No. 1, January/February 1999.
25
Chalk, 2000, pp. 65–66.
26
Author interviews with IMB staff, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006. See also P. Mukundan,
“The Scourge of Piracy in Southeast Asia: Can Any Improvements be Expected in the Near
Future?†in Johnson and Valencia, 2005, p. 39.
Piracy 15
remaining the highest ï¬gure on record. Although the overall number of
these incidents dropped in 2006, they were still signiï¬cant at a total of
188.
27
As one senior member of the United Kingdom’s National Union
of Maritime, Aviation and Shipping Transport Officers (NUMAST)
remarks: “The necessities of normal diplomacy should not obscure the
fact that British nationals are being threatened with extreme violence.
The present intolerable situation should be approached by the UK gov-
ernment just as ï¬rmly as if British tourists were being attacked whilst
[taking a holiday] in a [foreign] country.â€
28
Quite apart from the risk of death and physical injury, many sea-
farers who have been subjected to a pirate attack have suffered consid-
erable mental trauma. Many of those who do not fully recover never
go to sea again. Despite this, the human cost involved in modern-day
piracy is seldom recognized, largely because assaults tend to be directed
against “less than visible†targets. Again, NUMAST remarks: “If you
had civilian aircraft being threatened or bazookas being ï¬red at train
drivers, there would be a public outcry. Because it is shipping, it’s out
of sight, out of mind, and nothing is done.â€
29
Piracy also has a direct economic impact in terms of fraud, stolen
cargos, delayed trips, and higher insurance premiums. In addition, it
could potentially undermine a maritime state’s trading ability.
30
As pre-
viously noted, ship owners are often required to pay their own legal
expenses for postattack investigations, and they always have to bear the
costs of cancelled or interrupted onward journeys. The costs of major
criminal hijackings can be particularly exorbitant; on a number of
occasions, consignees have had to shoulder the entire loss from phan-
27
International Maritime Bureau, 2007, p. 9.
28
NUMAST Telegraph
, Vol. 25, No. 7, Piracy Supplement, July 1992, p. i.
29
Captain Graeme Hicks, secretary of NUMAST, as cited in “For Those in Peril on the
Sea,â€
The Economist
, August 9, 1997.
30
It should be noted that no systematic study of the overall cost of piracy has ever been
undertaken, particularly in relation to expenses incurred as a result of suppression. More-
over, the impunity of many attacks makes accurate records of losses difficult to gather, while
analysts only infrequently disclose the contents of any given calculation. See Martin Murphy,
Contemporary Piracy and Maritime Terrorism: The Threat to International Security
, London:
International Institute for Strategic Studies, Adelphi Paper 338, 2007, p. 19.
16 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
tom ship frauds.
31
Moreover, a reputation for piracy has the potential
to damage the international standing of a trading country and could
lead to a boycott of its port facilities. This became a major concern for
Hong Kong in the mid-1990s, when many shipping companies threat-
ened to boycott the territory’s port facilities as a result of the frequency
of attacks in what had become known as the Hainan–Luzon–Hong
Kong terror triangle.
32
More recently, similar problems have beset ter-
minals in Bangladesh, Nigeria, Indonesia, and the Horn of Africa.
33
Overall, the IMB estimates that piracy costs the shipping industry
anywhere from $1 billion to $16 billion a year.
34
Although this ï¬gure
might appear unacceptable, it is generally viewed as an inevitable cost
of doing business that, when measured against the annual value of
maritime commerce—which in 2005 totalled $7.8 trillion
35
—is not,
in fact, prohibitively onerous.
Politically, piracy can play a pivotal role in undermining and
weakening regime legitimacy by encouraging corruption among elected
government officials. This has been a recurrent problem in Indonesia,
where numerous shipping associations and maritime bodies decry the
complicity of government officials and members of the security forces
31
One noteworthy case concerned the 1995 seizure of the
Anna Sierra
, which, when even-
tually discovered at the port of Bei Hei, was registered under the name
Arctic Sea
. By the
time the vessel was released, losses from cargo theft, the imposition of a “ï¬nder’s fee†by
Chinese authorities, and post-incident investigations had run into the millions of U.S. dol-
lars. All costs were ultimately borne by the ship’s rightful owners. See International Mari-
time Bureau,
Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships: Special Report
, London: International
Chamber of Commerce, 1997, pp. 33–39.
32
See, for instance, Robert Beckman, Carl Grundy-Warr, and Vivian Forbes, “Acts of Piracy
in the Malacca Straits,â€
Maritime Brieï¬ng
, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1994; Kazuo Takita and Bob Cout-
tie, “ASEAN Pressured to Act Against Pirates,â€
Lloyds List
, May 29, 1992, p. 3; and Michael
Pugh, “Piracy and Armed Robbery at Sea: Problems and Remedies,â€
Low Intensity Conflict
and Law Enforcement
, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1993, p. 11.
33
Author interviews with IMB staff, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006.
34
See, for example, Joshua Ho, “Security of Sea-Lanes in Southeast Asia,†unpublished
paper, Indian Observer Research Foundation, Workshop on Maritime Counterterrorism,
New Delhi, November 29–30, 2004.
35
Murphy, 2007,
p. 21; World Trade Organization,
International Trade Statistics 2006
,
Table 1.3, November 2006, p. 15.
Piracy 17
who participate in, arrange, or otherwise facilitate both low- and high-
end attacks.
36
Although Jakarta has pledged to crack down on mani-
festations of state complicity in piracy, it lacks the resources to do so on
a comprehensive basis.
Attacks also have the potential to trigger a major environmental
disaster, particularly if they take place in crowded sea-lanes traversed
by heavily laden oil tankers. The nightmare scenario is a major crash
taking place between an unmanned rogue vessel and an oil tanker.
The resulting discharge of petroleum would cause irreparable damage
to maritime life and other offshore resources. If left to drift, the slick
could also seriously degrade large tracts of fertile coastal lowland, which
could seriously affect any state that relies on the ocean as a primary
source of protein for domestic consumption or regional export.
37
In the
opinion of the IMB, it is only a matter of time before pirates trigger an
environmental disaster of this sort.
38
36
Author interviews with IMB staff and maritime analysts, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006.
37
See, for example, Greg Chaikin, “Piracy in Asia: International Co-operation and Japan’s
Role,†in Johnson and Valencia (2005), p. 127; and Abyankar, “Piracy and Ship Robbery: A
Growing Menace,†in Hamzah Ahmad and Akira Ogawa, eds.,
Combating Piracy and Ship
Robbery
, Tokyo: Okazaki Institute, 2001.
38
Valencia, “Piracy and Politics in Southeast Asia,†in Johnson and Valencia, 2005, p. 114.
19
CHAPTER THREE
Maritime Terrorism
Historically, the world’s oceans have not been a major locus of terrorist
activity. Indeed, according to the RAND Terrorism Database, strikes
on maritime targets and assets have constituted only two percent of
all international incidents over the last 30 years. To be sure, part of
the reason for this relative paucity has to do with the fact that many
terrorist organizations have neither been located near coastal regions
nor possessed the means to extend their physical reach beyond purely
local theaters. There are also several problems associated with carry-
ing out waterborne strikes which have, at least historically, helped to
offset some of the tactical advantages associated with esoteric maritime
environments outlined in Chapter Two. Most intrinsically, operating
at sea requires terrorists to have mariner skills, access to appropriate
assault and transport vehicles, the ability to mount and sustain opera-
tions from a non-land–based environment, and certain specialist capa-
bilities (for example, surface and underwater demolition techniques).
1
Limited resources have traditionally prevented groups from accessing
these options.
Very much related to this is the fact that terrorists are inherently
conservative when it comes to choosing attack modalities. Precisely
because they are constrained by ceilings in operational ï¬nance and
1
Author interviews with Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies (IDSS) staff, Singapore,
September 2005. See also Paul Wilkinson, “Terrorism and the Maritime Environment†and
Brian Jenkins, Bonnie Cordes, Karen Gardela, and Geraldine Petty, “A Chronology of Ter-
rorist Attacks and Other Criminal Actions Against Maritime Targets,†both in Eric Ellen,
ed.,
Violence at Sea
, Paris: International Chamber of Commerce, 1986.
20 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
skill sets, most groups have chosen to follow the path of least resistance.
They adhere to the tried and tested methods that are known to work,
that offer reasonably high chances of success, and whose consequences
can be relatively easily predicted. Stated more directly, in a world of
ï¬nite human and material assets, the costs and unpredictability associ-
ated with expanding to the maritime realm have typically trumped any
potential beneï¬ts that might be garnered from initiating such a change
in operational direction.
A further consideration has to do with the nature of maritime tar-
gets themselves: Because they are out of sight, they are generally out of
mind (this is particularly true of commercial vessels). Thus, an attack
on a ship is less likely to elicit the same publicity—either in scope
or immediacy—as a strike on land-based targets, which, because they
are ï¬xed and typically located near urban areas, are far more media-
accessible (although, as argued below, this point may not apply with
respect to contingencies involving heavily-laden cruise liners and fer-
ries).
2
This consideration is important because terrorism, at root, is a
tactic that can only be effective if it is able to
visibly
demonstrate its
salience and relevance through the propaganda of the deed.
3
Rather
like the philosopher’s tree silently falling in the forest, if no one observes
the event, does it have any reason for being?
In spite of these considerations, there has been a modest yet highly
discernible spike in high-proï¬le terrorist incidents at sea over the past
six years, the more notable of which are described in the appendix
to this monograph. In addition, there has been a spate of signiï¬cant
maritime terrorist plots that have been preempted before execution.
These planned strikes, most of which have been directly connected to
al Qaeda and its affiliates,
4
included an aborted attack against the USS
2
Wilkinson, 1986, p. 34; Jenkins et al., 1986, p. 65.
3
For a discussion on this aspect of the terrorist phenomenon, see Peter Chalk,
West Euro-
pean Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism: The Evolving Dynamic
, London: Macmillan, 1996,
Chapter One.
4
Most of al Qaeda’s planned maritime attacks were the brainchild of Abdel Rahim al-
Nashiri (colloquially known as Ameer al Bahr, or “Prince of the Seasâ€). Arrested in 2003, he
admitted to being the mastermind behind the bombings of the USS
Cole
and M/V
Limburg
as well as the chief architect of al Qaeda’s maritime terror agenda. His strategy involved four
Maritime Terrorism 21
The Sullivans
in January 2000,
5
additional bombings of U.S. naval
ships sailing in Singaporean, Malaysian, and Indonesian waters, sui-
cide strikes against Western shipping interests in the Mediterranean,
small boat rammings of supertankers transiting the Straits of Gibraltar,
and attacks on cruise liners carrying Israeli tourists to Turkey.
6
Combined, these various incidents have galvanized fears in the
West that terrorists, especially militants connected with the interna-
tional jihadist network, are moving to decisively extend operational
mandates beyond purely land-based theaters. These concerns have been
particularly evident in the United States, which has been at the fore-
front of attempts to strengthen the global maritime security regime in
the post-9/11 era.
Five main factors seem salient in rationalizing the presumed
shift in extremist focus to water-based environments. First, many of
the vulnerabilities that have encouraged a higher rate of pirate attacks
also apply to terrorism, including inadequate coastal surveillance, lax
port security, a profusion of targets, the overwhelming dependence of
maritime trade on passage through congested chokepoints (where ves-
sels are exposed to attacks), and an increased tendency to staff vessels
with skeleton crews. Because these gaps and weaknesses persist at a
time when littoral states are devoting more resources to land-based
main components: ramming ships with explosive-laden Zodiacs as a ramming device (i.e.,
the same sort of attack that was used against the
Cole
and
Limburg
); detonating medium-
sized vessels and trawlers near warships, cruise liners, or ports; crashing planes into large car-
riers such as supertankers; and employing suicide divers or underwater demolition teams to
destroy surface platforms. See Eric Watkins, “Security—Al’Qa’eda Suspect Admits Role in
Limburg,â€
Lloyd’s List
, January 21, 2003; Valencia, 2005a, p. 83; and “Al Qaeda Has Multi-
Faceted Marine Strategy,†Agence France Press, January 20, 2003.
5
The aborted strike on
The
Sullivans
was carried out as part of the 2000 millennium terror-
ist plots. The plan called for the detonation of a small suicide boat as it pulled alongside the
U.S. vessel. The attack craft was so overloaded with explosives, however, that it sank, causing
the operation to be called off.
6
Bronson Percival,
Indonesia and the United States: Shared Interests in Maritime Security
,
Washington, D.C.: United States-Indonesia Society, June 2005, p. 9; Richardson, 2004,
p. 19; Ong, 2005, p. 51; Murad Sezer, “Turkish Court Charges Suspected al-Qaeda Mil-
itant,†Associated Press, August 10, 2005; and “Security Fears Keep Israeli Ships from
Turkey,â€
The New York Times
, August 9, 2005.
22 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
security structures (as discussed above), they are amplifying—in rela-
tive terms—the attractive qualities of what is already a highly opaque
operational setting. In other words, these gaps and weaknesses provide
extremists with an opportunity to move, hide, and strike in a manner
that is not possible in a terrestrial theater.
7
Second, the growth of commercial enterprises specializing in
maritime sports and equipment has arguably provided terrorists with
a readily accessible conduit through which to avail themselves of the
necessary training and resources for operating at sea.
8
In the south-
ern Philippines, for example, members of the Indonesian-based
Jemaah
Islamyya
(JI) network are known to have enrolled in scuba courses run
by commercial or resort diving companies. Members of the local secu-
rity forces widely believe that the main purpose for taking these lessons
has been to facilitate underwater attacks against gas and oil pipelines
off the coast of Mindanao.
9
Third, maritime attacks offer terrorists an additional means of
causing economic destabilization. One common scenario expressed by
analysts and government officials is an attack designed to shut down a
port or block a critical sea-lane of communication (SLOC) in order to
disrupt the mechanics of the “just in time, just enough†global mari-
time trade complex.
10
Indicative of this line of thinking is the follow-
ing commentary made by Michael Richardson, a senior analyst with
the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore:
The global economy is built on integrated supply chains that
feed components and other materials to users just before they
7
Author interviews with maritime analysts and intelligence officials, Washington, D.C.,
Singapore, London, and Amsterdam, August–September 2005.
8
See, for instance, Jenkins et al., 1986, p. 67.
9
Author interviews with intelligence and law enforcement personnel, Manila, May 2005
and Singapore, September 2005. What appears to have particularly attracted the attention of
regional authorities is that the alleged JI members actively sought training in deep-sea water
diving but exhibited little or no interest in decompression techniques.
10
Author interviews with Control Risks Group and Lloyd’s, London and Amsterdam, Sep-
tember 2005. See also Catherine Zara Raymond, “Maritime Terrorism, A Risk Assessment:
The Australian Example,†in Ho and Raymond, 2005, p. 179.
Maritime Terrorism 23
are required and just in the right amounts. That way, inventory
costs are kept low. [However, because these supply chains have no
excess capacity,] if they are disrupted, it will have repercussions
around the world, profoundly affecting business conï¬dence.
11
Although it is true that very little redundancy (in the form of
surplus supply) is built into the contemporary international trading
system, it would be extremely difficult to decisively disrupt its opera-
tion through a campaign of terrorism. Major ports such as Rotterdam,
Vancouver, Singapore, New York, and Los Angeles are both expan-
sive and highly secure, making them extremely difficult to fully close
down. Even if an attack did result in the wholesale suspension of all
loading/offloading functions, ships could be fairly easily diverted (albeit
at a cost) to alternative terminals, thus ensuring the continued integ-
rity of the inter-modal transportation network. Successfully blocking
a SLOC to all through traffic would be similarly difficult, not least
because it would require a group to scuttle several large vessels at the
same time—a formidable and technically demanding undertaking.
12
Moreover, very few maritime choke points are truly nonsubstitutable
for ocean-bound freight. Bypassing the Malacca Straits in Southeast
Asia (one of the world’s busiest maritime corridors), for instance, would
require only an extra three days of steaming, and other than oil and
certain perishable goods, most commodities would not be unduly
affected by short delays in delivery.
13
While long-term or widespread disruption to the global econ-
omy is unlikely, it is certainly possible that temporary, localized ï¬scal
damage could result from an act of terrorism. The suicide strike on the
M/V
Limburg
in 2002 is a case in point. Although the incident only
11
Richardson, 2004, p. 7.
12
Sinking any sizeable vessel with a high waterline would require the perpetrating group to
have access to a large quantity of explosives, the time and means to transport this material,
and the expertise to know where to place bombs to cause a critical hull breach. Overcoming
these logistical and knowledge barriers would be very difficult for a single attack, much less
an assault that targeted two or three ships.
13
Author interviews with maritime experts and intelligence analysts, Singapore, London,
and Amsterdam, September 2005.
24 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
resulted in three deaths (including the two bombers), it directly con-
tributed to a short-term collapse of international shipping business in
the Gulf, led to a 48 cent per barrel hike in the price of Brent crude oil,
and due to the tripling of war risks premiums levied on ships calling at
Aden, resulted in a 93-percent drop in container terminal throughput
that cost the Yemeni economy an estimated $3.8 million a month in
port revenues.
14
It is also worth bearing in mind that maritime terrorism, to the
extent that it does have at least a residual disruptive economic poten-
tial, resonates with the underlying operational and ideological rationale
of al Qaeda and the wider global jihadist “nebula.†Indeed, attacking
key pillars of the Western commercial, trading, and energy system is
a theme that, at least rhetorically, has become increasingly prominent
in the years since 9/11, and that is viewed as integral to the Islamist
war on the United States and its major allies. Portraying the attacks
on the World Trade Center and Pentagon as a single deï¬ning point in
exposing the fallacy of American (ï¬nancial) power,
15
Bin Laden and
his chief “lieutenant,†Ayman al-Zawahiri, have both squarely put the
thrust of their continuing campaign against Washington in the con-
text of economic war.
16
This was made explicitly apparent in a video
14
See Ben Sheppard, “Maritime Security Measures,â€
Jane’s Intelligence Review
, March 2003,
p. 55; Richardson, 2004, p. 70; Herbert-Burns, 2005, p. 165; Valencia, 2005b, p. 84; and
Vivian Ho, “No Let Down in Global Pirate Attacks by Pirates,†Kyodo News Service, July
24, 2003.
15
For more on the ï¬nancial fallout of the 9/11 attacks, see Lloyd Dixon and Robert T.
Reville, “National Security and Compensation Policy for Terrorism Losses,†in
Catastrophic
Risks and Insurance: Policy Issues in Insurance
, Paris: Organization for Economic Co-opera-
tion and Development, 2006; Lloyd Dixon and Rachel Kaganoff Stern,
Compensation for
Losses from the 9/11 Attacks
, Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND Corporation, MG-264-ICJ, 2004;
and Peter Chalk, Bruce Hoffman, Robert T. Reville, and Anna-Britt Kasupski,
Trends in
Terrorism: Threats to the United States and the Future of the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act
, Santa
Monica, Calif.: RAND Corporation, MG-393-CTRMP, 2005.
16
In 2004, Bin Laden speciï¬cally referred to a “bleed to bankruptcy strategy†aimed at
inflicting an unsustainable cost burden on the United States and its allies. It is unclear
whether the intent to cause economic disruption is more rhetorical than substantive in
nature. For additional details concerning al Qaeda’s presumed emphasis on (asymmetric)
economic targeting, see Matthew Hunt, “Bleed to Bankruptcy,â€
Jane’s Intelligence Review
,
January 2007, pp. 14–17.
Maritime Terrorism 25
statement released by the al Qaeda emir in December 2004, when he
reflected on a guerrilla conflict in Afghanistan that had “bled Russia
for ten years until it went bankrupt,†affirming that al Qaeda is “con-
tinuing in the same policy to make the US bleed profusely to the point
of bankruptcy.â€
17
Fourth, sea-based terrorism constitutes a viable means of inflict-
ing “mass coercive punishment†on enemy audiences. Cruise ships and
passenger ferries are especially relevant in this regard, largely because
they cater to large numbers of people who are conï¬ned in a single
physical space
18
(which, like aircraft, makes them ideal venues for car-
rying out assaults aimed at maximizing civilian casualties), sail accord-
ing to set and publicly available schedules (which provides transpar-
ency in preattack planning), are characterized by variable standards
of dock-side security (something that is particularly true of ferries),
19
remain vulnerable to post-departure interception (at least compared to
civil aviation), and, in the case of passenger ferries, have certain design
features that make them susceptible to cataclysmic assault (vehicle fer-
ries, for instance, are notoriously easy to capsize because they lack sta-
bilizing bulkheads on their lower car/truck decks).
20
Moreover, because
17
Bin Laden, as cited in Hunt, 2007, p. 16; Douglas Jehl and David Johnston, “In Video
Message, bin Laden Issues Warning to U.S.â€
New York Times
, October 30, 2004.
18
This is especially true of ferries in the developing world, which often operate at full or
more than full capacity.
19
While the absence of dock-side security is most acute in resource-depleted developing lit-
toral states, questions have also been raised with respect to advanced maritime states. In the
United States, for instance, relative spending on port security has been criticized as wholly
insufficient to contemporary needs. Various audits carried out at the federal level have shown
that while Washington has invested upwards of $18 billion in safeguarding the nation’s air-
ports from terrorist attack, only $630 million has been allocated for augmenting security at
major maritime terminals. See Robert Block, “Security Gaps Already Plague Ports,â€
The Wall
Street Journal
, February 23, 2006.
20
Interviews with maritime security analysts and intelligence officials, Singapore, London,
and Amsterdam, September 2005. For an in-depth discussion of the vulnerabilities of pas-
senger shipping and their relative vulnerability to terrorist attack, see Michael Greenberg,
Peter Chalk, Henry Willis, Ivan Khilko, and David Ortiz,
Maritime Terrorism: Risk and
Liability
, Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND Corporation, MG-520-CTRMP 2006, Chapters
Five and Six.
26 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
cruise ships cater to rich, middle-class American and European tour-
ists, these vessels provide the type of high-prestige, iconic target that
would likely resonate with extremist Islamist intent
21
and elicit consid-
erable media attention if decisively struck.
22
The bombing of the
SuperFerry 14
in the Philippines graphically
underscores how easily mass casualties could result from a concerted
attack against passenger shipping. The operation, which left more
than 116 people dead, involved a total planning cycle of only a couple
months, was executed with a very crude improvised explosive device—
16 sticks of dynamite secreted in a hollowed-out television set—and
cost no more than PS19,000 (approximately $400) to pull off. As one
senior official with the Philippine Anti-Terrorism Task Force (ATTF)
remarked, the incident demonstrated the acute vulnerability of ferries to
sabotage—one that could realistically spark copycat strikes by groups
intent on maximizing civilian damage with minimal expenditure.
23
Finally, the expansive global container-shipping complex offers
terrorists a logistical channel that favors the covert movement of weap-
ons and personnel. Most commentators generally agree that terrorist
contingencies involving this class of vessel are more likely to involve
exploitation of the cargo supply chain than attacks directed against
carriers themselves. Merchant craft are not only large, they also have a
high waterline, which means that a considerable quantity of explosives
would be needed to cause a critical breach. Even if sufficient quanti-
21
The fact that cruise ships cater to a mostly American and European customer base may
also mean that attacks against these vessels carry relatively little risk of negatively affecting
wider Arab/Asian Islamic interests. This is not necessarily the case with land-based venues, as
bombings of Western embassies in Kenya and Tanzania (1998), tourist resorts in Bali (2002
and 2005), and hotels in Jakarta and Amman (2003 and 2005 respectively)—all of which
resulted in high casualty rates for local Muslims—clearly demonstrated.
22
Indeed, as the November 2005 assault against the
Seaborne Spirit
off the Horn of Africa
demonstrates, even comparatively small-scale events have the potential to elicit consider-
able international media attention and interest. The liner, which was en route from Egypt
to Mombassa with 302 passengers and crew, was strafed with machine gun ï¬re and RPGs
while sailing 70 nautical miles off the Somali coast. Although no one was seriously hurt in
the attack, the incident caught the headlines of major newspapers around the world, many of
which speciï¬cally focused on the fact that the vessel was carrying mostly Western tourists.
23
Author interview with ATTF, Manila, November 2005.
Maritime Terrorism 27
ties could be smuggled aboard hidden in a container, there would be
no way of ensuring that the targeted crate would be loaded and placed
in a position that could allow a bomb to be detonated with maximum
effect.
24
By contrast, leveraging container carriers for logistical purposes
is not only viable, but also relatively easy. This is largely because the
international trading system is deliberately designed to be as open and
accessible as possible (to keep costs low and turnover high), which nec-
essarily means minimizing the disruptive impact of any security mea-
sures thereby instituted. Reflecting this, only two to ï¬ve percent of
containers shipped around the world are physically inspected at their
port of arrival.
25
Simply put, the statistical probability of successfully
smuggling a weapon or bomb is much greater than the probability of
intercepting one.
26
Just as importantly, the highly complex nature of the container-
ized supply chain creates a plethora of openings for terrorist inï¬ltra-
tion. Unlike other cargo vessels that typically handle payloads for a
single customer loaded at port, container ships deal with commodi-
ties from hundreds of companies and individuals that, in most cases,
24
It should also be noted that there would be little immediate impact associated with sink-
ing a commercial carrier, either in terms of attracting mass-media attention or eliciting
public concern (let alone terror) by triggering major economic externalities.
25
John Fritelli,
Port and Maritime Security: Background and Issues for Congress
, Washington,
D.C.: Congressional Research Service, December 30, 2004, p. 4; Raymond, 2005, p. 187.
26
It should be noted that certain commentators believe that the heightened focus on con-
tainerized shipping will, by default, cause terrorists and criminals to opt for other, more
secure maritime smuggling and weapon delivery methods. Options that have been high-
lighted include welding arms cases and/or bombs to a vessel’s hull (mimicking methods that
are known to have been used by drug cartels to smuggle narcotics) and trafficking weapons
in craft that are unlikely to draw suspicion (such as ï¬shing trawlers). Another scenario is
the disbursement of consignments via a piggy-backed “two-ship†ejection approach, which
essentially involves dispatching a weapons-laden speedboat below the waterline from the
submersed stern of a tug. According to security officials, as long as the vessel carrying the
munitions has been properly sealed, it would float to the surface without damage. Author
interviews with security analysts, Bangkok, September 2006.
28 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
are received and transported from inland warehouses.
27
Each point of
transfer along this spectrum of movement is a potential source of vul-
nerability for the overall integrity of the cargo and provides extrem-
ists with numerous opportunities to “stuff†or otherwise tamper with
boxed crates.
28
Compounding the situation is the highly rudimentary
nature of the locks that are used to seal containers, the bulk of which
consist of little more than plastic ties or bolts that can be quickly cut
and then reattached using a combination of superglue and heat.
29
Underscoring all of these considerations is the ineffectiveness of
point of origin inspections. Many littoral states fail to routinely vet
dock workers,
30
do not require that truck drivers present valid iden-
tiï¬cation before entering an offloading facility,
31
and frequently over-
27
For even a standard consignment, numerous parties and agents would be involved,
including the exporter, the importer, the freight forwarder, a customs broker, excise inspec-
tors, commercial trucking/railroad ï¬rms, dock workers, possibly harbor feeder craft, and the
ocean carrier itself.
28
Fritelli, 2004, p. 9.
29
Author interviews with Department of Homeland Security Liaison officials, Singapore
and London, September 2005. See also Greenberg et al., 2006, p. 4. Most commercial ship-
ping companies have been reluctant to develop more robust seals given the costs involved,
and because even newer systems cannot offer anything approaching 100 percent infallibility.
A standard (plastic) lock can be purchased for a few cents if ordered in bulk, whereas more
resistant versions might cost several hundreds of dollars. Moves to develop so-called “smart
boxes†equipped with GPS transponders and radio frequency identiï¬cation devices that emit
warning signals if they are interfered with have run into similar problems and had not, at
the time of writing, been embraced with any real degree of enthusiasm by the international
maritime industry.
30
This is true of both small and large terminals. Privacy regulations in the Netherlands, for
instance, preclude the option of comprehensive security vetting for dock workers without ï¬rst
gaining their permission. In the words of one Dutch expert: “I would be amazed if harbor
employees at Rotterdam, Antwerp, or Amsterdam were required to undergo any mandatory
criminal background check.†Author interview with Control Risks Group, Amsterdam, Sep-
tember 2005.
31
Again, these problems are not unique to the developing world. In the United States, some
11,000 truck drivers enter and leave the Long Beach terminal in Los Angeles with only a
standard driver’s license. Singapore, which runs arguably one of the world’s most sophisti-
cated and well-protected commercial maritime ports, does not require shipping companies
to declare goods on their vessels if they are only transiting through the city-state’s territorial
waters (largely due to a fear that if this was made mandatory, the resulting red tape would
Maritime Terrorism 29
look the need to ensure that all cargo is accompanied by an accurate
manifest. The absence of uniform and concerted dockside safeguards
works to the direct advantage of the terrorist, both because it is virtu-
ally impossible to inspect containers once they are on the high seas
and due to the fact that only a tiny fraction of boxed freight is actually
checked on arrival at its destination.
deflect trade north to Malaysia). As a result, the government does not know what is being
transported on most of carriers that pass through the country. Author interviews with mari-
time experts and government officials, Singapore, September 2005. See also Block, 2006.
31
CHAPTER FOUR
A Piracy–Terrorism Nexus?
Complicating the maritime threat picture is growing speculation that a
tactical nexus could emerge between piracy and terrorism. One of the
main concerns is that extremist groups will seek to overcome existing
operational constraints in sea-based capabilities by working in conjunc-
tion with or subcontracting out missions to maritime crime gangs and
syndicates. Various scenarios have been postulated, including the pos-
sible employment of pirates to seize and deliver a liqueï¬ed-natural-gas
carrier that is then used as a floating bomb, scuttle a large oceangoing
vessel in a narrow SLOC either to disrupt maritime trade or precipitate
a major environmental disaster, or hijack a freighter and reregister it
under an FoC as a phantom ship.
The presumed convergence between maritime terrorism and
piracy remains highly questionable, however. To date, there has been
no credible evidence to support speculation about this nexus.
1
More-
over, the objectives of the two actors remain entirely distinct. The busi-
ness of piracy is directly dependent on a thriving and active global ship-
ping industry and is aimed at proï¬t. In contrast, terrorists—at least in
the context of the contemporary jihadist network—are assumed to be
seeking the destruction of the global maritime trade network as part
of their self-deï¬ned economic war against the West.
2
As Young and
Valencia note, piracy is predicated on ï¬nancial gain while terrorism is
1
Author interview with IMB, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006.
2
Author interviews with maritime experts and intelligence officials, Singapore, London,
and Amsterdam, September 2005.
32 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
motivated by political goals beyond the immediate act of attacking a
maritime target; the former will eschew attention and aim to sustain
their trade while the latter will court publicity and inflict as much
damage as possible.
3
The above considerations notwithstanding, the possibility of a
nexus emerging between piracy and terrorism has certainly informed
the perceptions of governments, international organizations, and major
shipping interests around the world. There have been persistent, though
unveriï¬ed, reports of political extremists boarding vessels in Southeast
Asia in an apparent effort to learn how to pilot them for a rerun of 9/11
at sea.
4
One such alleged case involved the seizure of the
Dewi Madrim
in 2003. Although the exact circumstances surrounding the incident
remain unclear, it is known that the raiding party steered the comman-
deered ship for nearly an hour before escaping with some equipment
and technical documents. The official position of the IMB is that the
attack was a pure act of piracy and that any connection to terrorism
was a product of media misrepresentation and sensationalism.
5
How-
ever, various other analysts reject this interpretation and insist that the
takeover was a training exercise designed to hone the navigation and
sailing skills of terrorists intent on ramming an ocean-going vessel into
a very large crude carrier, a major port such as Singapore, or an offshore
petrochemical facility.
6
3
Adam Young and Mark Valencia, “Piracy and Terrorism Threats Overlap,â€
The Washing-
ton Times
, July 7, 2003; Young and Valencia, “Conflation of Piracy and Terrorism in South-
east Asia: Rectitude and Utility,â€
Contemporary Southeast Asia
, Vol. 25, No. 2, August 2003,
p. 267.
4
Murphy, “Maritime Terrorism: Threat in Context,â€
Jane’s Intelligence Review
, February
2006, p. 23.
5
Author interviews with IMB, London, September 2005.
6
Author interviews with IMB, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006. See also Percival,
2005, p. 10,
and Rommel Banaloi, “Maritime Terrorism in Southeast Asia,â€
Naval War College Review
,
Vol. 58, No. 4, Autumn 2005, p. 65. According to the IMB in Malaysia, the skills needed to
undertake an operation of this sort are not particularly daunting, particularly since modern
carriers are equipped with autopilot and navigation systems. As one official remarked:
“Within two months any competent terrorist could master the fundamentals involved in
seizing and steering a ship to be used as a weapon.â€
A Piracy–Terrorism Nexus? 33
The specter of a pirate-terrorism nexus attracted some political
controversy in 2005 when the Lloyd’s Joint War Council (JWC) des-
ignated the Malacca Straits as an area of enhanced risk (AER). This
determination was made by the JWC on the basis of a threat assess-
ment conducted by the U.K.-based Aegis Group, which expressly
considered anticipated links between regional Islamist militants—
speciï¬cally those connected to the JI network—and maritime crimi-
nals operating from Indonesian waters.
7
The designation was vociferously rejected by all three Malacca
states, who argued that the Aegis group has no recognized presence in
the region, that the assessment was not aligned with the empirical risk
of attack (terrorist or pirate) in the Malacca Straits (especially in light
of a comparison between the number of incidents that have occurred
and the volume of traffic passing through the Straits), and that the
report itself offered no solid evidence of even marginal links emerging
between piracy and terrorism in the region.
8
However, Lloyd’s backed
the credibility of the Aegis assessment, pointing out that it was hardly
surprising that Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore would reject the
ï¬ndings given the added costs that could be legitimately imposed on
ships using the waterway (and thus spur commercial vessels to seek
cheaper corridors).
9
7
Author interviews with Lloyd’s, IDSS, Raytheon (ASEAN) International, and Glenn
Defense Marine (Asia), London, and Singapore, September 2005.
8
Author interviews with maritime experts, Singapore, September 2005.
9
Author interviews with Lloyd’s, London, September 2005. The designation of the
Malacca Straits as an AER allows maritime insurance companies to levy a war surcharge on
ships transiting the waterway up to 0.10 percent of the total value of their cargo; this is over
and above the 0.05 percent baseline premium that is routinely imposed on seaborne freight.
The Straits were removed from the Lloyd’s list in mid-2006, ostensibly on the grounds that
the percentage of attacks had dropped enough to warrant the reinstatement of the waterway’s
status as safe conduit for maritime trade. Author interviews with maritime analysts and IMB
officials, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006.
35
CHAPTER FIVE
Relevance to the United States
As one of the globe’s principal maritime trading states, account-
ing for nearly 20 percent (measured in metric tons) of all interna-
tional sea-borne freight in any given year, the United States has a
direct, vested interest in securing the world’s oceanic environment.
Commercial carriers transport more than 95 percent of the country’s
non–Northern American trade by weight and 75 percent by value.
Commodities shipped by sea currently constitute a full quarter of
U.S. gross domestic product, more than double the ï¬gure recorded in
1970.
Besides economic considerations, the marine transportation
system plays an important role in U.S. national security. The Depart-
ments of Defense and Transportation have jointly designated 17
American ports—13 of which also act as commercial trading hubs—as
strategic because they are necessary to expedite major military deploy-
ments.
1
In the view of the Government Accountability Office, if these
terminals were decisively attacked, “not only could … civilian casual-
ties be sustained, but DoD [Department of Defense] could also lose
precious cargo and time and be forced to rely heavily on its [already]
overburdened airlift capabilities.â€
2
1
During Operation Desert Storm, for instance, 90 percent of all military equipment and
supplies used in the operation were shipped from designated strategic ports in the United
States. Frittelli, 2004, p. 6.
2
Government Accountability Office,
Combating Terrorism
,
Actions Needed to Improve Force
Protection for DoD Deployments Through Domestic Seaports
, Washington, D.C., GAO-03-15,
October 2002.
36 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
Threat Priorities
In terms of speciï¬c maritime threats, piracy and terrorist contingen-
cies involving containerized freight, passenger ferries, and cruise liners
are most relevant to U.S. security considerations. Piracy already costs
U.S. businesses several millions of dollars a year in lost cargo, delayed
trips, damaged vessels, and fraudulent trade, and there is little indica-
tion of the situation improving any time soon. In terms of national
assets, U.S.-flagged vessels have been frequently targeted, with more
than 30 incidents taking place between 2003 and 2005.
3
The ï¬gure
for 2005 represented a 36 percent rise over 2003’s total and was more
than double the number of attacks recorded for 2004.
4
Just as problem-
atic are high and ongoing rates of global pirate activity, the effects of
which continue to fall disproportionately on the United States simply
by virtue of the extensive seaborne trade that the country engages in
with industrialized maritime nations.
Terrorist contingencies involving containerized freight have also
been consistently highlighted as particularly relevant to U.S. national
security. One scenario that has been repeatedly played out because of
the volume of (unchecked) containers shipped to U.S. shores is the use
of a boxed crate to hide a radiological dispersal device that is then deto-
nated on land.
5
Although the effects of such an attack would depend
on the size and sophistication of the dirty bomb employed, it would
cause at least localized contamination of the immediate surround-
ing area (often referred to as “ground shineâ€) and could reasonably
3
See “Narration of Attacks†sections in International Maritime Bureau,
Piracy and Armed
Robbery Against Ships: Annual Report 2003
, London: 2004; International Maritime Bureau,
Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships: Annual Report 2004
, London: 2005; and Interna-
tional Maritime Bureau, 2006. Only German, Greek, Japanese, and South Korean carriers
suffer from a higher incident rate.
4
See International Maritime Bureau, 2006, p. 14.
5
More than six million containers enter U.S. ports every year, which accounts for roughly
half of the world’s present inventory. Of these, only about 10 percent can be expected to
have undergone some form of scrutiny. See Sinai, 2004, p. 49; “Maritime Security Measures
to Amplify Costs for Shipping,†2003; Block, 2006; Frittelli, 2004, p. 4; and Australian
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade,
Global Issues on Economic Costs of Terrorism
, Can-
berra: Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Analytical Unit, April 7, 2003.
Relevance to the United States 37
be expected to elicit mass public panic of radiological fallout if deaths
actually occurred.
6
Finally, attacks against a rapidly growing cruise industry—in
2004, 78 percent of all passengers vacationing on luxury liners were
from North America
7
—need to be taken seriously, not least because
they could expose the country to a new form of highly damaging ter-
rorism. A decisive attack against a fully laden passenger ship could
be expected to result in a casualty count of several hundred or more.
8
Quite apart from the widespread physical suffering and psychologi-
cal trauma that this would necessarily engender, it could also have
genuinely disruptive political and ï¬scal effects. Critics, albeit with the
beneï¬t of hindsight, would undoubtedly demand to know why the
sector was left exposed and why the intelligence services in the relevant
flag nation failed to foresee that an attack was imminent. In an age
where counterterrorism has emerged as one of the state’s most press-
ing responsibilities, such a reaction could easily precipitate a chain of
events that, if not carefully managed, could erode popular perceptions
of governing credibility and legitimacy (as it did in Spain following the
catastrophic commuter train bombings of 2004).
9
The economic fallout could be every bit as serious, especially given
the highly concentrated character of the cruise business and the fact that
this mode of transportation is not integral to an individual’s day-to-day
6
Chalk et. al, 2005, p. 34. See also Richardson, 2004, pp.
51–52; Stephen Flynn, “The
Neglected Homefront,â€
Foreign Affairs
, September/October 2004; and Peter Zimmerman,
“‘Dirty Bombs’: The Threat Revisited,â€
The Back Page
, Vol. 13, No. 3, March 2004.
7
Over half of this traffic was concentrated in the Caribbean and Alaska. In addition to pas-
sengers, two U.S. companies, Royal Caribbean and Carnival, dominate ownership of cruise
ships currently in operation. For further details, see William Ebersold, “Industry Overview:
Cruise Industry in Figures,â€
Touch Brieï¬ngs
, 2004.
8
An average liner typically caters to at least 200–500 passengers, although several vessels
are able to accommodate thousands of guests. While sinking these vessels, which are con-
structed with safety as a foremost consideration, would be extremely difficult, several less
dramatic and more feasible attack options could still result in a large number of fatalities or
injuries, including onboard bombings, arson, shootings, and food contamination.
9
Author interviews with U.K. Customs and Excise, Raytheon International, Glenn
Defense Marine Asia, the Maritime Intelligence Group, and Lloyd’s, London, Singapore,
and Washington, D.C., August and September 2005.
38 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
life, travel needs or, indeed, leisure pursuits.
10
As one maritime security
analyst in London put it: “If a major cruise liner was hit, the industry
will be in big trouble. People just won’t sail anymore—either with the
company owning the vessel or with one of its [few] competitors.â€
11
In
the United States, this could result in considerable losses, jeopardizing
not only approximately $16.2 billion in direct monetary beneï¬t but
also the revenue base of major tourist ports—notably Miami, Galves-
ton, Canaveral, New York, Los Angeles, Honolulu, Tampa, Seattle,
and (assuming a post-Katrina recovery) New Orleans—as well as some
330,000 full- and part-time jobs.
12
Principal Security Initiatives Spearheaded by the United
States
Reflecting the relevance of a safe and stable oceanic environment
to U.S. interests, Washington has been at the forefront of moves to
upgrade global maritime security over the last ï¬ve years. Among the
more notable international initiatives that the Bush administration has
sponsored are
The Container Security Initiative (CSI), which involves a series of
bilateral, reciprocal accords that, among other things, allow for
the forward deployment of U.S. Coast Guard and Border Protec-
tion (CBP) officers and their foreign counterparts to prescreen
container ships bound for and departing from U.S. shores. As of
July 2004, the CSI was operational at 20 overseas ports.
13
10
See, for instance, ADM James M. Loy, “Seaports, Cruise Ships Vulnerable to Terrorism,â€
guest commentary, PoliticsOL.com, July 28, 2001.
11
Author interview with Control Risks Group, London, September 2005.
12
Figures are for 2005, and are derived from International Council of Cruise Lines, “The
Cruise Industry 2005 Economic Summary,†undated.
13
U.S. Customs and Border Protection, “Keeping Cargo Safe: Container Security Initia-
tive,†undated; Frittelli, 2004, pp.
12–13; Government Accountability Office,
Summary of
Challenges Faced in Targeting Oceangoing Cargo Containers for Inspection
, Washington, D.C.,
GAO-04-557T, March 31, 2004.
•
Relevance to the United States 39
The International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code,
which was adopted by the International Maritime Organisation
at its December 2002 conference and outlines minimum security
procedures that all ports and ships above 500 tons must meet
to improve overall maritime security. Relevant authorities at the
destination terminal can turn away a vessel which does not meet
the requirements, or which leaves from a port that does not meet
the requirements. Stipulations in the code are based on those
embodied in the U.S. Maritime Transport Security Act (MTSA)
of 2004.
14
The Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), which aims to combat
the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction by sanctioning
the right to stop, board, and, if necessary, seize a vessel on the high
seas if its is suspected of smuggling chemical, biological, radiolog-
ical, or nuclear materials. At the time of writing, eleven countries
had adopted the PSI: Australia, France, Germany, Italy, Japan,
the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, the United Kingdom,
and the United States.
15
The Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism (C-TPAT),
which offers international importers expedited processing of
cargo if they comply with U.S. CBP guidelines for securing their
entire supply chain. Thus far, over 45,000 companies have agreed
to participate in C-TPAT.
16
In addition to these measures, Washington has also been instru-
mental in instituting regional maritime security initiatives and capac-
14
International Maritime Organisation, “What is the ISPS Code,†2002; Sheppard, 2003,
p. 55. The MTSA was passed by the U.S. Congress in 2002. The legislation requires U.S. fed-
eral agencies, ports, and vessel owners to take numerous steps to upgrade maritime security,
and requires the CBP to develop national and regional plans to secure ocean-based trans-
portation systems. It also requires ports, waterfront terminals, and certain types of vessels to
institute their own incident response protocols that must then be submitted to and approved
by the Coast Guard. Frittelli,
2004, pp.
14–15.
15
U.S. Department of State, “State Department Fact Sheet Outlines Proliferation Security
Initiative,†April 18, 2005; Richardson, 2004, pp. 97–108.
16
Frittelli, 2004, p. 13.
•
•
•
40 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
ity building in areas that are recognized as vital components of Ameri-
can overall counterterrorism strategy. A good example was the 2002
establishment of the Combined Task Force-Horn of Africa, which has
a remit to secure the total air, land, and sea space of Djibouti, Ethiopia,
Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen.
17
The initiative includes
an international maritime component, the Combined Task Force-150
(CTF-150), which essentially acts as a counterterrorism patrol unit for
the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and northwestern Indian Ocean. The CTF-
150 has an explicit mandate to deter terrorists from using the maritime
environment for planning and conducting attacks, and has conducted
tens of thousands of shipping inquiries and hundreds of boardings to
this end.
18
Other parts of the globe that have received similar attention
include West Africa—especially Nigeria and the wider Gulf of Guinea
(which over the coming decade is estimated to account for up to 20
percent of U.S. oil imports)—and the Malacca Straits, particularly the
waters that fall under the jurisdiction of the Indonesian government.
Finally, the U.S. has advanced a number of collaborative mea-
sures to address transnational maritime security threats. In 2005, for
instance, Admiral Michael Mullins proposed a global partnership to
tackle issues such as sea-based terrorism and piracy. His idea was to
establish common agreement among a “coalition of the willingâ€
19
on
the best ends, ways, and means of facilitating information flows and
intelligence exchanges to enhance overall awareness of the maritime
domain. Although no deï¬nitive agreement had, at the time of writing,
been instituted, it is a concept that continues to be actively debated
in the United States and by the international shipping community in
17
Clive Schoï¬eld, “Horn of Africa Conflicts Threaten U.S. Anti-Terrorism Efforts,â€
Jane’s
Intelligence Review
, June 2004, p. 46; Meldrum, 2007, p. 39.
18
Clive Schoï¬eld, “Plaguing the Waves: Rising Piracy Threat off the Horn of Africa,â€
Jane’s
Intelligence Review
, July 2007, p. 47.
19
Mullins actually referred to a “1,000-ship navyâ€; however, this terminology was changed
to mitigate the perception that Washington was advocating the formation of a U.S.-led naval
force that would be employed to establish and underwrite U.S. hegemony at sea.
Relevance to the United States 41
general.
20
Washington has also instituted a so-called Global Fleet Sta-
tion (GFS) initiative aimed at raising maritime security standards in
regions deemed to be of strategic or critical importance. A pilot version
of the program, launched in April 2007, involved a six-month deploy-
ment of the High Speed Vessel-2
Swift
to the Caribbean and waters off
Central America. The
Swift
served as a single platform for transporting
American military instructors to conduct training with regional civil
and naval services from seven countries.
21
A full discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of these mea-
sures is beyond the scope of this monograph. However, a few prelimi-
nary observations can be made. On the positive side, the initiatives
have conferred a degree of transparency to what has, hitherto, been
a highly opaque theater. Speciï¬cally, they lay the parameters for reg-
ulated interstate action in the maritime realm, both by enumerating
rules, principles, and attendant responsibilities for international coop-
eration and, more importantly, by providing a common framework
in which to further develop and reï¬ne joint policies over the medium
to long term. This type of contextual foundation simply did not exist
prior to 9/11.
22
On the negative side, the programs outlined above suffer from
three critical shortfalls as presently conï¬gured:
They are limited in scope. The U.S. initiatives are largely conï¬ned
to a narrow set of like-minded allies, while the ISPS precludes
the vast bulk of littoral countries, many of which simply lack the
resources to comply fully with its requirements. (Signiï¬cantly,
this has had the inadvertent effect of further increasing the expo-
20
Author interviews with a U.S. Coast Guard official, Asia Paciï¬c Center for Security Stud-
ies, Honolulu, August 2007.
21
For more on GFS and the pilot program in the Caribbean and Central American waters,
see MCS1(SW) Cynthia Clark, “Global Fleet Station Deployment Begins,†Navy.mil, April
27, 2007.
22
See, for instance, Stephen Flynn, “On the Record,â€
Government Executive Magazine
,
October 1, 2003.
•
42 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
sure to potential terrorists of what are already vulnerable ports
and facilities.)
23
The initiatives are largely directed at increasing the security “wallâ€
around commercial seaborne traffic, paying scant regard to con-
tingencies that do not involve containerized cargo (such as ferry
bombings) or modalities designed to counter the root source of
threats to the oceanic environment, or terrorist organizations
themselves.
With particular reference to the ISPS Code, there is still no
deï¬nitive means to effectively audit how well extant measures are
being implemented by participating states or, indeed, to gauge
their overall utility in terms of dockside security. As one maritime
analyst summed up with respect to Rotterdam—the world’s busi-
est terminal for oceangoing freight—while the facility is compli-
ant on paper and relatively secure compared to most other inter-
national ports, the whole veriï¬cation procedure remains weak,
constituting not much more than “a tick in the box exercise.â€
24
Moreover, there are presently 43,000 vessels in the global shipping
industry that weigh 500 tons or more. This means that roughly
130 ships will need to be certiï¬ed each day—a task that Lord
Westbury, the chief executive officer of Global Marine Security
Systems, believes would put a number of smaller companies and
ports out of business.
25
23
Author interviews with IMB, Kuala Lumpur, August 2006.
24
Author interviews with maritime security analysts, Control Risks Group, Amsterdam,
September 2005.
25
Sheppard, 2003, p. 55.
•
•
43
CHAPTER SIX
Policy Recommendations
The maritime environment will likely remain a favorable theater for
armed violence, crime, and terrorism given its expanse, lack of regula-
tion, esoteric character, and general importance as a critical conduit
for international trade. There is no quick ï¬x or easy remedy for reduc-
ing this openness, and any attempt to institute total security is nei-
ther tenable nor desirable. The best that can be hoped for is the ratio-
nal management of threats within acceptable boundaries. The United
States is well placed to facilitate such an effort by virtue of its resources
and global influence. At the policy level, there are at least four major
contributions that Washington could make, all of which are variously
highlighted in the 2005 U.S.
National Strategy for Maritime Security
.
1
First, the United States could help further expand the nascent regime
of post-9/11 maritime security, both in terms of pressing littoral states
to sign multilateral protocols and instituting effective structures for
measuring and ensuring compliance with their stipulations. To add
credence to this effort, the United States should immediately ratify
UNCLOS, one of the key international legal instruments governing
sovereign rights at sea.
2
Second, the United States could inform the
1
For a full version of this document see The White House,
The National Strategy for Mari-
time Security
, Washington, D.C., September 2005.
2
The United States has not ratiï¬ed UNCLOS largely due to the objections of a small
number of senators who oppose the Convention on the grounds that it runs counter to U.S.
national interests and undercuts the country’s sovereignty. There has, however, been strong
domestic pressure to ratify the agreement as part of the overall effort to institutionalize a
more thorough regime of maritime security post-9/11, with President Bush speciï¬cally rais-
44 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
parameters of bilateral and multilateral maritime security collabora-
tion by conducting regular and rigorous threat assessments that are
aimed at delineating high probability risk scenarios and quantifying
their costs. Third, the United States could help redeï¬ne mandates of
existing multilateral security and defense arrangements to allow them
to play a more effective and inclusive role in countering maritime (and
other transnational) threats. Fourth, the United States could encour-
age the commercial maritime industry to make greater use of enabling
communication and defensive technologies and accept a greater degree
of overall transparency in its underlying corporate structures.
In more speciï¬c terms, U.S. funds and support could be usefully
directed at
Boosting the coastal monitoring and interdiction capabilities
of states in areas of strategic maritime importance or endemic
pirate activity through the provision of surveillance assets, train-
ing, and technical support.
3
The GFS initiative described above
may be particularly relevant in this regard.
Actively encouraging the IMB’s anti-piracy center in Malay-
sia—the international system’s main non-governmental organi-
zation for monitoring manifestations of armed violence at sea—
to expand its current (limited) reporting role to one that has a
more explicit investigative function.
4
ing the issue in March 2007. Author interview, United Coast Guard official, Asia Paciï¬c
Center for Security Studies, Honolulu, August 2007.
3
Because many littoral states in need of coastal surveillance support also suffer from high
rates of corruption (e.g., Nigeria, the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, Kenya), the provision
of material, as opposed to ï¬nancial, assistance is generally regarded as preferable.
4
Since its initial inception in 1992, the IMB’s reporting center in Kuala Lumpur has played
an integral role in identifying operational and geographic patterns of armed violence at sea
and in transmitting real-time warnings and updates to mariners traveling in or near pirate
“hot spots.†The center has also served as a central conduit for information exchange between
shipping associations and companies located in Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Middle East.
A new Information Sharing Center established in Singapore in 2006 has a similar mandate,
but it is not yet apparent whether this institution is meant to supplement or supplant the
IMB body.
1.
2.
Policy Recommendations 45
Augmenting port security management by underwriting dili-
gent screening protocols and systems aimed at vetting the “bona
ï¬des†of arriving and departing vessels, the crews that staff these
ships, and the companies that own and run them.
5
Sponsoring public-private sector partnerships for further devel-
oping monitoring and protective initiatives such as ShipLoc (an
inexpensive satellite tracking system that has been endorsed by
the IMB),
6
Secure-Ship (a non-lethal perimeter electric fence
designed to prevent unauthorized boardings),
7
and so-called
“smart†containers that can emit warnings if their contents are
disturbed after being sealed.
Promoting greater openness in the international maritime
industry as a whole by, for example, offering incentives aimed
at encouraging shipping companies to register their vessels
through traditional flag states (as opposed to FoCs) and to
accept a fundamentally more transparent ownership disclosure
system.
8
Possible inducements might include prioritization for
offshore anchor releases, expedited freight clearance procedures,
and cheaper docking fees.
5
The general issue of port security management has also been raised with respect to the
United States. In 2006, this became an especially hot topic after Dubai Ports World, a com-
pany owned and operated out of the United Arab Emirates, purchased the Peninsular and
Oriental Steam Navigation Company of the United Kingdom, giving it the right to over-
see major operations at terminals in New York, New Jersey, Philadelphia, Baltimore, New
Orleans, and Miami. Although the takeover was approved, Dubai Ports eventually pulled
out of the deal after members of Congress raised concern over the potential ramiï¬cations it
might have for port security given the United Arab Emirates’ alleged role in funding the al
Qaeda network. For more on the incident, see Neil King and Greg Hitt, “Dubai Ports World
Sells U.S. Assets,â€
The Wall Street Journal
, December 11, 2006.
6
ShipLoc allows shipping companies to monitor the exact location of their vessels any-
where in the world on a 24/7, 365-day per year basis via Internet access. For more on the
system, see “ShipLoc,†homepage, undated.
7
For further details on this initiative, see Secure Marine, “Secure-Ship,†Web page, 2002.
8
For analysis of the shipping industry’s reluctance to accept greater transparency in terms
of vessel ownership and operation, see Meldrum, 2007, pp. 36–39.
3.
4.
5.
46 The Maritime Dimension of International Security
In whatever capacity the United States chooses to support or pro-
mote anti-piracy and terrorism measures, coordinating initiatives with
other concerned littoral states and international organizations needs
to be emphasized as much as possible.
9
Not only will this allow Wash-
ington to offset some of the cost of its assistance programs, it would
also help to reduce latent perceptions that the general issue of mar-
itime security is exclusively tied to U.S. strategic priorities.
10
Just as
importantly, working with or through partner countries and organiza-
tions will give the U.S. government greater flexibility and latitude in
developing indigenous capabilities in sensitive areas and regions where
strictly unilateral action would be difficult (or impossible)—a potential
reality in many parts of the Middle East, Persian Gulf, and South and
Southeast Asia.
9
An example of local multilateral cooperation is the “Eye in the Sky†initiative inaugurated
in 2005 among Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, and Thailand. The idea—which reportedly
developed in reaction to Lloyds’ designation of the SLOC as an AER risk—ostensibly aims
to provide limited airborne surveillance over the Malacca Straits and builds off the earlier
Malaysia-Singapore-Indonesia (MASLINDO) accord. Under the initiative, each participat-
ing country will make two planes available, and commit to flying two sorties a week over
the Straits. Therefore, for every seven days there will be at least 16 hours of continual cover-
age over the waterway. The Philippines has expressed active interest in future iterations of
the agreement, and both Japan and Australia have pledged to provide additional resources
so that a more extensive system of surveillance can evolve. Author interview, IMB, Kuala
Lumpur, August 2006.
10
In 2004, for instance, various entities suggested that the U.S. Navy might provide armed
escorts for ships transiting the Malacca Straits. Indonesia and Malaysia, however, vigorously
rejected this idea on the grounds that it would represent a wholly unjustiï¬ed expansion of
U.S. influence in areas close to their territorial waters. Even Singapore expressed reservations
about the strategic and political implications of a concerted American presence in the Straits.
Comments made during the International Cooperation in the War Against Terror in the
Asia-Paciï¬c Region with a Special Emphasis on the Malacca Straits Conference, Mississippi
State University, March 8–9, 2006.
47
APPENDIX
Selected High-Proï¬le Maritime Terrorist
Incidents, 1961–2004
4
8
T
h
e M
a
ri
ti
m
e
D
im
e
n
si
o
n
o
f I
n
te
rn
a
ti
o
n
a
l S
e
cu
ri
ty
Table A.1
Selected High-Proï¬le Maritime Terrorist Incidents, 1961–2004
Incident
Group
Deaths
Remarks
Hijacking of
Santa
Maria
(1961)
Portuguese and
Spanish rebels
0
The
Santa Maria
, a 21,000-ton cruise ship owned by Companhia Colonial of
Lisbon, was hijacked by a group of 70 men led by Captain Henriques Galvao
(a Portuguese political exile) to bring global attention to the Estado Novo in
Portugal and a related fascist regime in Spain. The vessel was on a holiday
cruise in the southern Caribbean and its more than 600 passengers were held
for 11 days before Galvao formally surrendered to the Brazilian Navy. The
incident constitutes the ï¬rst modern-day hijack at sea.
a
Use of a Cypriot-
registered coaster,
Claudia
, to
transport weapons
to Ireland (1973)
Provisional Irish
Republican Army
0
Claudia
was intercepted by the Irish Navy while attempting to land a
consignment of weapons intended for the Provisional Irish Republican Army
(PIRA). On board were ï¬ve tons of munitions that included 250 Soviet-made
assault rifles, pistols, mines, grenades, and explosives. The vessel was owned
by Gunther Leinhauser, a West German arms dealer who said that PIRA had
given him a “shopping list†of required material and that the “order†had
been ï¬lled by Libya.
b
Hijacking of
Achille
Lauro
(1985)
Palestine Liberation
Front
1
The
Achille Lauro
, a cruise ship, was hijacked in an attempt to coerce
the release of 50 Palestinians being held in Israel. The perpetrators were
eventually detained in Sicily. One person was killed in the incident: Leon
Kling-Hoffer, a wheelchair-bound German tourist, was killed and then
pushed overboard.
c
Targeting of cruise
ships on the Nile
River (1992–1994)
Al-Gama’a al-
Islamyya
0
The group targeted at least four cruise ships during these two years as part of
its general effort to undermine the Egyptian tourist sector (a key contributor
to the country’s economy).
d
S
e
le
c
te
d
H
ig
h
-P
ro
ï¬l
e M
a
ri
ti
m
e
T
e
rr
o
ri
st I
n
ci
d
e
n
ts
, 1
9
6
1
–
2
0
0
4 4
9
Incident
Group
Deaths
Remarks
Hijacking of a
Turkish passenger
ferry in the Black
Sea (1996)
Chechen rebels
0
Nine rebel gunmen held 255 passengers hostage for four days during which
they threatened to blow up the captured ferry in order to bring international
attention to the Chechen cause. The abductors eventually sailed the vessel
back to Istanbul, where they surrendered.
e
Suicide bombing of
the USS
Cole
(2000)
Al Qaeda
17
The bombing took place while the
Cole
was refueling at the Port of Aden.
The assault involved 600 pounds of C4 explosives that were packed into the
hull of a suicide attack skiff. Seventeen U.S. sailors and two terrorists were
killed, and another 39 sailors were injured.
f
Suicide bombing of
the M/V
Limburg
(2002)
g
Al Qaeda
3
The attack involved a small, ï¬berglass boat packed with 100–200 kg of TNT
that was rammed into the tanker as it prepared to begin a pilot-assisted
approach to the Ash Shihr Terminal off the coast of Yemen. The
Limburg
was lifting 297,000 barrels of crude oil at the time of the strike, an estimated
50,000 of which spilled into the waters surrounding the stricken vessel. One
crewman and two terrorists were killed.
h
Use of the
Karine A
to
transport weapons
for anti-Israeli
strikes (2002)
Palestinian Authority
0
The
Karine A
, a 4,000-ton freighter, was seized in the Red Sea on January
3, 2002. The vessel was carrying a wide assortment of Russian and Iranian
munitions, including Katyusha rockets (with a range of 20 km), antitank
missiles, long-range mortar bombs, mines, sniper rifles, ammunition, and
more than two tons of high explosives. The weapons consignment, estimated
at $100 million, was linked directly to Yassir Arafat and was allegedly to be
used for attacks against Jewish targets in Israel and the Occupied Territories.
i
Table A.1—Continued
5
0
T
h
e M
a
ri
ti
m
e
D
im
e
n
si
o
n
o
f I
n
te
rn
a
ti
o
n
a
l S
e
cu
ri
ty
Incident
Group
Deaths
Remarks
Hijacking of the
M/V
Penrider
,
a fully laden oil
tanker en route
from Singapore to
Penang (2003)
Gerakan Aceh
Merdeka
0
The M/V
Penrider
, a fully-laden oil tanker, was seized while en route from
Singapore to Penang in northern Malaysia. The incident was one of the few
cases where Gerakan Aceh Merdeka openly took responsibility for a maritime
attack (the group has been linked to several hijackings and maritime
assaults off the coast of Aceh). The group’s three hostages (the master, chief
engineer, and second engineer) were released upon payment of a $52,000
ransom.
j
Use of the
Abu
Hassan
to transport
weapons and
training manuals
to assist militant
strikes in Israel
(2003)
Lebanese Hezbollah
0
The owner of the
Abu Hassan
, an Egyptian-registered ï¬shing trawler, was
recruited by Hezbollah and speciï¬cally trained to carry out maritime support
missions. The vessel, which Israeli Navy commandos intercepted 35 nautical
miles off the coast of Haifa, was being used to ferry a complex weapons
and logistics consignment consisting of fuses for 122-mm Qassam rockets,
electronic time-delay fuses, a training video for carrying out suicide missions,
and two sets of CD-ROMs containing detailed bomb-making information.
k
Attacks against the
Khor al-Amaya and
Al-Basra offshore
oil terminals in Iraq
(2004)
Jamaat al-Tawhid
(Unity and Jihad
Group)
3
The attacks were claimed by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi as a follow up to the
2000
Cole
and 2002
Limburg
strikes. The operation led to the closure of both
facilities at an estimated cost of $40 million and are generally considered to
be part of a concerted strategy aimed at the economic destabilization of the
post-Hussein administration in Baghdad.
l
Table A.1—Continued
S
e
le
c
te
d
H
ig
h
-P
ro
ï¬l
e M
a
ri
ti
m
e
T
e
rr
o
ri
st I
n
ci
d
e
n
ts
, 1
9
6
1
–
2
0
0
4 5
1
Table A.1—Continued
Incident
Group
Deaths
Remarks
Bombing of the
Philippine
SuperFerry 14
(2004)
Abu Sayyaf,
combined with
elements from the
Rajah Soliaman
Movement and
Jemaah Islamyya
116
The attack involved 20 sticks of dynamite that were planted in a hollowed-
out television set. The bomb set off a ï¬re that rapidly spread throughout the
ship due to the lack of an effective sprinkler system. The incident has been
listed as the most destructive act of terrorism in maritime history and the
fourth most serious attack since 9/11.
m
Suicide attacks
against the Port
of Ashdod in Israel
(2004)
Hamas, al-Aqsa
Martyr’s Brigade
10
The attack, which was jointly executed by a combined Hamas/al-Aqsa
Martyr’s Brigade team, left ten people dead and involved two Palestinian
terrorists who had been smuggled to the terminal inside a commercial
container four hours before the operation. Some speculate that al Qaeda
assisted with the logistics of the strike.
n
SOURCE: Adapted from Greenberg et al., 2006, pp. 20–24.
a
Jenkins et al., 1986, p. 69. The hijacking was also known as “Operation Dulcinea†by the hijackers.
b
Wilkinson, 1986, pp. 39.
c
The Palestine Liberation Front’s original intention was to seize the
Achille Lauro
and then ram the vessel into an Israeli oil terminal
at Ashod. However, the attack was discovered before this operation could be put into effect, forcing a change in plan. Author
interview with security and terrorism analyst, Monterrey, California, November 2006.
d
Sinai, 2004, p. 50; John Sitilides, “US Strikes Expose Emerging Regional Threats,â€
The HR-Net Forum: The Washington Monitor
,
August 28, 1998.
e
Sinai, 2004, p. 50; Stilides, 1998; Koknar, 2005; “Hostage Taking Action by Pro-Chechen Rebels Impairs Turkey’s Image,â€
People’s
Daily
(China), April 24, 2001.
5
2
T
h
e M
a
ri
ti
m
e
D
im
e
n
si
o
n
o
f I
n
te
rn
a
ti
o
n
a
l S
e
cu
ri
ty
Table A.1—Continued
f
For more on this incident, see Raphael Perl,
Terrorist Attack on the USS Cole: Background and Issues for Congress
, Washington,
D.C.: Congressional Research Service, RS20721, January 30, 2001. Although it was directed against a warship, this attack has been
designated a terrorist strike because the
Cole
was no actively deployed at the time of the bombing.
g
The M/V
Limburg
has since been renamed and now operates under the designation M/V
Maritime Jewel
.
h
Herbert-Burns, 2005, p. 164; Valencia, 2005b, p. 84; Ho, 2003; “Investigators to Board Yemen tanker,â€
BBC Online News
, October 9,
2002.
i
“IDF Seizes PA Weapons Ship,†Jewish Virtual Library, January 4, 2002.
j
Herbert-Burns, 2005, pp. 167–168; Kate McGeown, “Aceh Rebels Blamed for Piracy,â€
BBC Online News
, September 8, 2003;
International Maritime Organisation,
Reports on Acts of Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships
, London: September 4, 2003.
k
Herbert-Burns, 2005, p. 166.
l
Mirelle Warouw, “The Threat Against Maritime Assets: A Review of Historical Cases, Operational Patterns and Indicators,â€
unpublished paper, Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Singapore, 2005, p. 12. Also see Koknar, 2005.
m
Peter Chalk, “The SuperFerry 14 Bombing, 2004,â€
Jane’s Terrorism and Insurgency Center
, Case Study No. 5, 2006.
n
Koknar, 2005.
53
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