ALTUS PROSATOR
I
餄 餃憋湽餃讹湻
, Professor Carney published a small and elegant volume,
Medieval Irish
Lyrics
. Like so many of his contributions to Celtic studies, this was a signpost
to future trends in early Irish scholarship, in that it prints Hiberno-Latin and Irish
verse in the same context, recognising them as products of the same cultural milieu,
albeit in di
ff
erent modalities.
餃
Translation, especially at the level of grace which
Professor Carney brought to it, is highly individual: another Irish translator, Helen
Waddell, in her classic
Medieval Latin Lyrics
, confesses that her selection is based
on what she felt able to render, rather than on providing samples across the whole
range of possible material.
餃
It may conceivably be for some such reason that Carney
did not include any of the early Hiberno-Latin hymns in his collection,
餃
even
though they include some notably fine poems, ranging from the quiet
gravitas
of 鈥楽ancti, venite鈥 to the passionate intricacies of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, the greatest of
them all.
餃
The interest of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 considered purely as a poem is very
considerable, but its extrinsic interest also gives it a claim to attention. There
are all too few Hiberno-Latin hymns and poems which can be dated with any
degree of precision, and only one or two which can successfully be placed in the
sixth century. So if 鈥楢ltus鈥 were by St Columba, which I hope to demonstrate is
impossible as well as unlikely, then we would have a very valuable piece of evidence
for the learning, culture and poetic practice of a major Irish monastery in the
Age of the Saints. As it is, the poem must be interrogated to make it reveal its
proper placement in time and space; which may incidentally shed light on Insular
culture. Its sources, language and style tell us something about its author鈥檚 library
and intellectual training; the traces of its use by later writers tell us something of
the interactions between Irish scholars, the English, and Europe.
The power of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 as poetry has been recognised since the middle
ages, not least by its medieval attribution to the most bardic of the early Irish
saints, Columba himself, friend and patron of poets,
餃
subject of the
Amra Choluim
餃
James Carney,
Medieval Irish Lyrics
[Dublin
餃憋湽餃讹湻
], selected and translated, with
The Irish Bardic Poet
[Dublin
餃憋湽餃讹湻
] (new ed. in one vol. Portlaoise
餃憋湽餃革湹
).
餃
Medieval Latin Lyrics
(London
餃憋湽餃诧湽
) vi: 鈥榓 man cannot say 鈥淚 will translate鈥 any more than he can
say 鈥淚 will compose poetry鈥. In this minor art also, the wind blows where it lists.鈥 Helen Waddell,
incidentally, translated Stanza R of 鈥楢ltus鈥 superbly (ibid.,
餃讹湼
鈥
餃
).
餃
Carney himself comments at the end of his Introduction (p. xxxii), 鈥榤any of the poems are poems
with which as a scholar I had a particular association. It will not be equally obvious that sometimes a
poem was translated because it seemed at one point or another in my life to have relevance to my own
experience or feeling鈥.
餃
鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 has been frequently edited. Throughout this discussion, I shall quote from the edi-
tion of Clemens Blume, based primarily on the relatively early continental manuscripts, in 鈥楬ymnodia
Hiberno-celtica鈥,
Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi
餃碉湵
(
餃憋湽餃帮湼
)
餃诧湹餃
鈥
餃筹湺餃
, pp.
餃诧湻餃
鈥
餃革湷
. The Insular manuscripts
are so late in date that I am not convinced that their orthographic and other peculiarities are any guide
to the original appearance of the poem. An edition based primarily on the Irish witnesses may be found
in J. H. Bernard and R. Atkinson ed.,
The Irish Liber Hymnorum
,
餃
vols (London
餃憋湼餃癸湼
), i pp.
餃讹湼
鈥
餃革湷
.
餃
Witnessed as early as Adomn谩n鈥檚
Vita S. Columbae
, i.
餃达湶
, ed. A. O. and M. O. Anderson (Edinburgh
餃憋湽餃讹湵
)
餃憋湽餃
鈥
餃癸湼
.
Celtica
餃诧湷
c
School of Celtic Studies DIAS
餃憋湽餃癸湽
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湶餃
Chille
attributed to the
pr铆m藱file
of all Ireland,
餃
and focus of a vast quantity of sub-
sequent poetic endeavour.
餃
It has been translated many times in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries, though never with any great success.
餃
The poem is out-
standingly ambitious in its content: the twenty-three stanzas begin with God and
the Creation, and end with the Apocalypse. No other Hiberno-Latin poem has
anything like its range and originality. Two long hymns in the seventh-century
Antiphonary of Bangor o
ff
er a possible point of comparison: 鈥楢udite omnes鈥 and
鈥楶recamur patrem鈥.
餃
The first is given its shape by recounting the life and work
of St Patrick, and the second, more ambitiously, moves from an account of the
crossing of the Red Sea to the life of Christ, utilising the natural and metaphor-
ical senses of the word 鈥榣ight鈥 as its central image. 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 describes the
relationship of the three persons of the Trinity to each other, the relationship of
God to the universe, the place of sin, how the 鈥榤achina mundi鈥 was set up, how it
works, and how it will end, ranging through the Bible from end to end (Genesis
to Apocalypse) for its material. It compresses into its twenty-three stanzas all the
most essential information about the world, as an early medieval Christian saw it.
In that sense, it may be classed as a didactic hymn of a kind which is characteristic
of the Gallican church, as I have argued elsewhere.
餃憋湴
The attribution of 鈥楢ltus鈥 to St Columba goes back only to the eleventh-century
vernacular prefaces in the two copies of the Irish
Liber hymnorum
; but it is still
widely accepted as 鈥榩robable鈥, though not, of course, certain.
餃憋湵
Since the poem
is more ambitious and wide-ranging in its content than any other Hiberno-Latin
hymn, structurally complex, and confident in its handling, the question of its
date of composition is thus a matter of considerable interest for the history of
Hiberno-Latin.
The textual history of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is curious. The four earliest manuscripts
are continental, the earliest dating from the ninth century.
All these are
manuscripts containing the
De uita contemplatiua
of Julianus Pomerius, a priest
of Arles in the early sixth century, to which Prosper of Aquitaine鈥檚
epigrammata
餃
V. Hull, 鈥極n Amra Choluim Chille鈥,
Zeitschrift f篓ur celtische Philologie
餃诧湼
(
餃憋湽餃讹湵
)
餃诧湸餃
鈥
餃碉湵
, and see
also M. Herbert,
Iona, Kells and Derry: the history and hagiography of the monastic
familia
of Columba
(Oxford
餃憋湽餃革湼
)
餃
鈥
餃憋湶
.
餃
J. F. Kenney,
The sources for the early history of Ireland I: ecclesiastical
(New York
餃憋湽餃诧湽
)
餃诧湺餃
鈥
餃
,
餃达湷餃
鈥
餃达湵
.
餃
Richard Sharpe knows of eight translations (pers. comm.), but more are doubtless to be found.
餃
C. Blume (ed.), 鈥楬ymnodia Hiberno-celtica鈥,
餃筹湸餃
鈥
餃达湹
,
餃诧湻餃
鈥
餃凤湹
; the 鈥楢ntiphonary of Bangor鈥
ff
.
餃憋湷
v-
餃憋湹
v,
餃
r-
餃
v, and
餃
v-
餃
v, ed. F. E. Warren,
The Antiphonary of Bangor
,
餃
vols (London
餃憋湼餃癸湷
鈥
餃癸湹
), ii pp.
餃憋湸
鈥
餃憋湺
,
餃
鈥
餃
, and
餃
鈥
餃
. There are important, recent articles on both these hymns, which include exten-
sive bibliographies, A. Orchard, 鈥 鈥淎udite Omnes Amantes鈥, A Hymn in St Patrick鈥檚 Praise鈥, in D. N.
Dumville,
Saint Patrick, A.D.
餃达湽餃
鈥
餃憋湽餃癸湷
(Woodbridge
餃憋湽餃癸湷
)
餃憋湹餃
鈥
餃憋湻餃
; and M. Lapidge, 鈥楥olumbanus
and the 鈥淎ntiphonary of Bangor鈥 鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湹
)
餃憋湴餃
鈥
餃憋湺
.
餃憋湴
鈥榁enantius Fortunatus, Poitiers, and the hymnody of early medieval Ireland鈥, in J-M. Picard (ed.),
Aquitaine and Ireland in the Middle Ages
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃癸湹
)
餃凤湹
鈥
餃憋湴餃
. Some specific early Gallican hymns
may have been known to the author of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, on grounds of slight resemblances of diction
and approach, for example 鈥楢pparebit repentina鈥, and 鈥楧eus qui caeli lumen es.鈥 (see p.
??
below)
(printed in A. S. Walpole [ed.],
Early Latin Hymns
[Cambridge
餃憋湽餃诧湶
],
餃筹湼餃
鈥
餃
and
餃诧湵餃
鈥
餃诧湵
).
餃憋湵
For example, in the most recent book published on Irish hymnody, M. E. Curran,
The Antiphonary
of Bangor
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃革湸
)
餃憋湽餃
, n.
餃
.
餃筹湶餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
are sometimes appended.
餃憋湶
In all four, the poem follows immediately on from
De uita contemplatiua
, and in two, the Milan and Montpellier copies, it is
followed by the
Epigrammata
. The poem is not associated in these manuscripts
with Columba, or even with Ireland.
餃憋湷
The most reasonable explanation for the
linking of the two texts is to hypothesise a manuscript in which 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥
was compressed to fill up the remainder of the last quire of a copy of
De uita
contemplatiua
by some scribe who wished to have a copy of the poem, but who
was inclined to be economical with parchment; this (hypothetical) manuscript
does not survive. Such a compression would have given 鈥楢ltus鈥 the appearance
of pertaining to
De uita contemplatiua
, and so the two works were treated as
belonging together by the various later scribes who copied the work. The
popularity of
De uita contemplatiua
is witnessed by its more than ninety surviving
manuscripts, the earliest of which is from the seventh century.
餃憋湸
The only early
Insular author who certainly used it was Boniface, in a letter of
餃凤湸餃
, but he was
working on the continent.
餃憋湹
It may possibly have been known to Columbanus,
but he, again, was labouring in Frankia rather than in England or Ireland.
餃憋湺
Thus,
the textual history of
De uita contemplatiua
suggests that the milieu in which
鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 was appended to it was continental rather than Irish or English.
餃憋湻
There are some signs in the four continental manuscripts of the poem itself, as
distinct from the treatise, that an Insular exemplar might underlie them. The most
notable of these is a tendency to write a single vowel for a doubled one, reflecting
the pronunciation,
餃憋湼
e.g.
promontoris
for
promontoriis
in the Milan, Montpellier
and Orl茅ans copies of M,
餃
. L枚fstedt comments in his study of Hiberno-Latin
餃憋湶
Patrologia latina
LIX.
餃达湵餃
鈥
餃碉湶餃
. See E. Dekkers (ed.),
Clauis patrum latinorum
(Steenbrugge
餃憋湽餃讹湵
),
no.
餃癸湽餃
, p.
餃诧湶餃
, and M. L. W. Laistner, 鈥楾he Influence during the Middle Ages of the Treatise
De uita
contemplatiua
and its Surviving Manuscripts鈥, in his
The intellectual heritage of the Early Middle Ages
,
ed. C. G. Starr (Ithaca, New York
餃憋湽餃碉湻
)
餃达湴
鈥
餃碉湺
.
餃憋湷
The four continental manuscripts of 鈥楢ltus鈥 are Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana M.
餃筹湶
sup. (Bobbio
provenance, s. ix),
ff
.
餃革湷
鈥
餃革湹
, printed by A. Rie
ff
erschied, in 鈥楧ie Ambrosianische Bibliothek in Mai-
land鈥,
Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften
, phil-hist. Klasse
餃讹湻
(Wien
餃憋湼餃凤湵
),
餃达湺餃
鈥
餃碉湺餃
, pp.
餃碉湸餃
鈥
餃达湺
; Montpellier, Ecole de M茅decine
餃诧湵餃
(s. ix),
ff
.
餃凤湽
鈥
餃革湵
, printed by A. Boucherie,
鈥楬ymne ab茅c茅daire contre les antitrinitaires鈥, in 鈥楾extes latins et bas-latin鈥,
Revue des langues Romanes
,
餃
rd series
餃
(
餃憋湼餃凤湹
)
餃憋湶
鈥
餃诧湺
; Orl茅ans, Biblioth猫que municipale
餃憋湺餃
(
餃憋湸餃
) (Fleury provenance, s. xi),
ff
.
餃筹湴餃
-
餃帮湼
, printed by C. Cuissard, 鈥楲a prose de Saint Columba鈥,
Revue Celtique
餃
(
餃憋湼餃革湶
鈥
餃
)
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃诧湵餃
, and
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm.
餃憋湼餃讹湺餃
(Tegernsee provenance, s. x/xi), f.
餃诧湶餃
, the only one
not to be separately edited.
餃憋湸
Wolfenb眉ttel, Codex Weissenburgensis
餃凤湺
, in E. A. Lowe (ed.),
Codices latini antiquiores: a
palaeographical guide to Latin manuscripts prior to the ninth century
(
CLA
),
餃憋湴
vols (Oxford
餃憋湽餃筹湸
-
餃
)
IX.
餃憋湷餃癸湵
鈥
餃
.
餃憋湹
Laistner, 鈥楾he influence鈥,
餃碉湷
. See also J. D. A. Ogilvy,
Books known to the English,
餃碉湽餃
鈥
餃憋湴餃讹湺
(Cambridge, Massachusetts
餃憋湽餃讹湻
)
餃憋湼餃
餃憋湺
The fifth letter of Columbanus (G. S. M. Walker (ed.),
Sancti Columbani opera
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃碉湻
)
餃筹湺
鈥
餃碉湺
, especially p.
餃达湴
) and
De uita
i.
餃诧湴
(cols
餃达湷餃
鈥
餃达湹
) share imagery of shepherds and watchmen, though
they do not draw on the identical range of Biblical texts for support 鈥 the resemblance may be purely
coincidental.
餃憋湻
Laistner, 鈥楾he influence鈥,
餃达湷
, in describing the manuscripts, notes that in two Munich manuscripts
(he lists four),
incertos
is written for
incestos
. He does not, unfortunately, state which two, and it is
therefore not clear whether one of them is the manuscript containing 鈥楢ltus鈥. As he himself says, 鈥榗on-
fusion of r and s suggests a possible Insular exemplar in the background鈥. This small palaeographical
clue may hint at the existence of an Insular scribe on the continent with access to the poem.
餃憋湼
Synizesis in 鈥楢ltus鈥 is discussed below (p.
餃筹湸餃
).
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湶餃
orthography, die Schriebung 鈥榠鈥 f眉r 鈥榠i鈥 is in hibernolat. Texten so h盲ufig, dass man
sie als spezifisch irisch bezeichnet hat鈥.
餃憋湽
Another potential 鈥業rish symptom鈥 in the orthography is the substitution of 鈥榓e鈥
for 鈥榚鈥, which Bieler has observed as common in the Irish penitentials, and which
(he suggests) may indicate an open pronunciation of Latin 鈥榚鈥.
餃诧湴
Neither of these
features is peculiar to Irish manuscripts; and Bieler stresses that it is extremely
di
ffi
cult to identify Irish orthography underlying a continental manuscript of an
Irish text;
餃诧湵
the most one can say is that the type of spelling found here is at least
consistent with an Insular exemplar for the poem.
A clear
terminus ante quem
for the poem鈥檚 arrival on the Continent, and indeed
for its existence, is provided by Hrabanus Maurus (
餃凤湼餃
鈥
餃革湹餃
), the pupil of Alcuin,
who incorporated thirteen stanzas of 鈥楢ltus鈥 into his long poem
De fide catholica
some time in the first half of the ninth century.
餃诧湶
His use of the poem concentrates
on its most orthodox side: he omits the stanzas dealing with the physical makeup
of the world, an approach which is entirely opposite to the concentration on its
peculiarities of vocabulary and content in purely Insular contexts. The main inter-
est of Hrabanus鈥檚 use of the poem is that it implies that this careful teacher saw
more than half of it as a guide to the Catholic faith so well and concisely expressed
that it was worth his while to adapt it rather than writing his own verses.
餃诧湷
It is possible that Hrabanus was introduced to the poem by Alcuin, since I hope
to show that the poem was known in England in the seventh century, and thus
conceivably available to him in the late eighth. The reason for suggesting this
possibility is the hymn 鈥楢ltus auctor omnium鈥, one of three poems from the circle
of Alcuin written s. viii/ix in rapid Caroline minuscule showing Anglo-Saxon
influence added to a manuscript of Sedulius鈥檚
carmen paschale
.
餃诧湸
Apart from the
opening line which immediately recalls 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, it includes the following
stanza:
Ter cum Deum dicimus
non tres Deos credimus
餃憋湽
B. L枚fstedt (ed.),
Der hibernolateinische Grammatiker Malsachanus
(Uppsala
餃憋湽餃讹湹
), orthography
section pp.
餃革湺
鈥
餃憋湴餃
, at p.
餃癸湹
.
餃诧湴
L. Bieler (ed.),
The Irish Penitentials
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃讹湷
)
餃筹湴
.
餃诧湵
Bieler,
The Irish Penitentials
,
餃诧湼
鈥
餃
.
餃诧湶
E. D篓ummler (ed.),
Poetae latini aeui Carolini II
(Berlin
餃憋湼餃革湸
)
餃憋湽餃
鈥
餃诧湴餃
. The text-type of 鈥楢ltus鈥
that Hrabanus was working from was that of the continental manuscripts: a crucial point is at A,
餃憋湴
,
where all four, and the English manuscript, read 鈥榙eitatis perpetua鈥, but the three Irish manuscripts
have 鈥榙ietatis perpetuae鈥. In general, wherever the text of 鈥楢ltus鈥 presents a di
ffi
culty in expression,
language or subject-matter, Hrabanus replaced the o
ff
ending line or lines with lines of his own, which
has resulted in the smoothing over of most of the potentially decisive cruxes.
餃诧湷
Hrabanus鈥檚 compositional methods have come under scrutiny. J. McCulloh, 鈥楬rabanus Maurus鈥檚
Martyrology: the method of composition鈥,
Sacris Erudiri
餃诧湷
(
餃憋湽餃凤湼
鈥
餃
)
餃达湵餃
鈥
餃讹湵
, p.
餃达湹餃
, states, 鈥榙etailed
studies have shown that [Hrabanus] was capable of independent judgment. Instead of being slavishly
bound by his sources, he was both able and willing to adapt or go beyond them when it seemed
necessary鈥. His use of 鈥楢ltus鈥 is in keeping with such conclusions.
餃诧湸
This is part of a composite manuscript, Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek mbr.
餃
.
餃凤湹
(
CLA
VIII.
餃憋湶餃帮湺
鈥
餃
). The poems are edited by Blume, 鈥楬ymnodia Hiberno-celtica鈥,
餃筹湴餃
鈥
餃
, and by Karl Strecker,
Poetae
latini aeui Carolini
IV.
餃
(Berlin,
餃憋湽餃诧湷
)
餃癸湴餃
鈥
餃
. Strecker attributes this hymn to Alcuin himself. The
carmen paschale
was a favourite work of the Anglo-Saxon schools, extensively used by Aldhelm and by
subsequent writers. See Ogilvy,
Books Known to the English
,
餃凤湽
鈥
餃革湴
(no.
餃讹湽餃
).
餃筹湷餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
Sed unum inuisibilem
in maiestatis gloria.
The first two lines in particular recall 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 鈥檚
Non tres deos depromimus,
sed unum Deum dicimus (A,
餃憋湵
鈥
餃憋湶
).
The word
maiestas
appears in B,
餃
. In addition to its points of contact with 鈥楢ltus
prosator鈥, 鈥楢ltus auctor鈥 also shows traces of contact with other Insular hymns,
particularly the Anglo-Saxon 鈥楽ancte, sator鈥,
餃诧湹
鈥楬ymnum dicat鈥, known in both
England and Ireland from at least the seventh century,
餃诧湺
and 鈥楶recamur patrem鈥,
probably by Columbanus.
餃诧湻
Whether the hymn 鈥楢ltus auctor鈥 is by Alcuin or not,
it is certainly from his circle so its use of Insular models is important. It provides,
at the very least, a context for Hrabanus Maurus鈥檚 use of the poem 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥,
showing that Insular hymns were read and used in the learned circles in which
Hrabanus was educated. It should also be remembered that Alcuin remained in
contact, both by correspondence and in person, with both Irish and English schol-
ars. Hrabanus, therefore, may have read the poem knowing that it was Insular in
origin, rather than coming across it as an appendix to
De uita contemplatiua
.
There are also three Irish manuscripts of the poem and one English one, none
earlier than the eleventh century.
餃诧湼
The two eleventh-century manuscripts of the
Irish
Liber hymnorum
, attribute the poem to Columba, and so does the
Leabhar
breac
; the English manuscript does not. Unlike other Hiberno-Latin sacred poetry,
for instance hymns preserved in the Antiphonary of Bangor or the
Liber hymnorum
which we find prescribed for use in the Rule of Tallaght and other early Irish
sources,
餃诧湽
there is not a single reference to the existence or use of this hymn in
餃诧湹
Blume, 鈥楬ymnodia hiberno-celtica鈥,
餃诧湽餃
鈥
餃筹湴餃
. The apparently Anglo-Saxon character of this hymn
has been discussed by M. Lapidge, 鈥楾he school of Theodore and Hadrian鈥,
Anglo-Saxon England
餃憋湹
(
餃憋湽餃革湺
)
餃达湹
鈥
餃凤湶
, p.
餃达湻
, who emphasises its
trochaic
rhythm, found in demonstrably Anglo-Latin octosyl-
lables, and not in demonstrably Hiberno-Latin octosyllabic poems, which have an iambic rhythmic
pattern. I know of only one possible exception to this, the two-line verse in Virgilius Maro Gram-
maticus,
Epitome
IV,
餃
: 鈥楶hoebus surgit, caelum scandit / polo claret, cunctis paret (G. Polara [ed.],
Epitomi ed epistole
(Naples
餃憋湽餃凤湽
)
餃憋湼
).
餃诧湺
Blume, 鈥楬ymnodia hiberno-celtica鈥,
餃诧湺餃
鈥
餃凤湵
.
餃诧湻
Ibid., pp.
餃诧湻餃
鈥
餃
. compare Stanza I of 鈥楢ltus auctor鈥, and Stanza
餃诧湴
of 鈥楶recamur patrem鈥. For the
authorship of this poem, see M. Lapidge, 鈥楥olumbanus and the 鈥淎ntiphonary of Bangor鈥 鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湹
)
餃憋湴餃
鈥
餃憋湺
.
餃诧湼
Dublin, Trinity College Library E.
餃
.
餃
(s. xi),
ff
.
餃憋湵
鈥
餃憋湷
, printed by J. H. Todd
Leabhar imuinn: the Book
of Hymns of the Ancient Irish Church
餃
vols (Dublin
餃憋湼餃碉湹
鈥
餃讹湽
), ii, pp.
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃碉湵
; Killiney, Franciscan House
of Studies A.
餃
(s. xi/xii),
ff
.
餃
鈥
餃
, printed by J. Colgan (ed.),
Triadis thaumaturgae, seu diuorum Patricii
Columbae et Brigidae, trium ueteris et maioris Scotiae, seu Hiberniae sanctorum insulae, communium
patronorum acta
(Louvain
餃憋湺餃达湻
)
餃达湻餃
鈥
餃
; and by J. Gilbert,
Facsimiles of the National Manuscripts of
Ireland
, iv.
餃
(London
餃憋湼餃革湸
), appendix xxi, pp.
餃憋湷餃
鈥
餃筹湷
; Dublin, Royal Irish Academy
餃诧湷
.P.
餃憋湺
(s. xv in),
printed in facsimile by B. O鈥橪ooney (ed.),
The Leabhar Breac
(Dublin
餃憋湼餃凤湺
)
餃诧湷餃
鈥
餃筹湼
, and London,
British Library Cotton Galba A.xiv (Winchester provenance, s. xi
in
鈥 xi
餃
),
ff
.
餃
鈥
餃憋湽
, printed by B. Muir,
A Pre-Conquest English Prayerbook
(London
餃憋湽餃革湼
)
餃筹湶
鈥
餃
.
餃诧湽
鈥楬ymnum dicat鈥, 鈥楥antemus in omni die鈥 and 鈥業n trinitate spes mea鈥 were used at Tallaght in the
eighth century. The first is in the Antiphonary, and all three are in the Irish
Liber hymnorum
. See E. J.
Gwynn (ed. and transl.),
Teagasg Maoil Ruain
, 搂
餃革湺
, in 鈥楾he Rule of Tallaght鈥,
Hermathena
餃达湸
(
餃憋湽餃诧湻
),
second supplemental volume, pp.
餃碉湴
鈥
餃碉湵
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湷餃
any Irish context before the eleventh century. The sources for the history of the
Columban foundations are particularly good, and it is therefore surprising that the
poem is not mentioned in any of the Columban material collected by his successors
until the scholarly Modern-Irish
Betha Colaim Chille
completed in
餃憋湹餃筹湶
, which
comments on it as follows:
And anon he [Columba] set to making a hymn of praise to God. And the
Altus
of Columcille is the name of that hymn of praise. And it is a composition
passing lofty, and passing noble, but passing hard of understanding: for therein
he giveth from his knowledge of the secrets he had from God. And in especial
he speaketh much of the meaning of the Trinity, and he revealeth much secret
knowledge therein, touching the earthly elements.
餃筹湴
As a judgment on the character and literary quality of the poem, this is by no
means unfair. Outside the dossier of material on Columba, the poem is men-
tioned in the story of Mael Suthain (ob.
餃憋湴餃憋湴
), the
anmchara
of Brian
b贸roimhe
,
not associated with Iona, which stresses the e
ffi
cacy of reciting 鈥楢ltus鈥 for the ben-
efit of one鈥檚 soul,
餃筹湵
and in
mesca Columcille
, a twelfth-century political 鈥榩rophecy鈥
covering the period from the saint鈥檚 own time to the coming of the English.
餃筹湶
It is
thus clear that the text was known and valued in the Norman period and later, but
before that, we know absolutely nothing of its history in Ireland, or even if it had
one. The dating and localising of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, therefore, is entirely dependent
on the internal evidence of the poem鈥檚 language, style, metre and sources.
The English manuscript stands to some extent between the Irish and continental
text-types. It shares with the Killiney manuscript (the only Irish witness at this
point, since the other two are lacunose) the reading
liquescentia
for
lucescentia
at T,
餃
, and with all three,
zabulus
for
diabolus
at G,
餃
. Yet it has the continental version
of A,
餃憋湴
,
dietatis perpetua
, not
deitatis perpetuae
and the Milan text鈥檚 non-rhyming
鈥
mare et aquas condidit
鈥 at E,
餃
. A very significant way in which it resembles the
Irish group is that it ends the hymn with a collect (or doxology), 鈥楧eum patrem
ingenitum鈥, also found in the
Liber hymnorum
manuscripts, and does not associate
it with any works by Julianus or Prosper. Another link is the relationship between
our hymn, and another, 鈥楢diutor laborantium鈥, which survives only in the Cotton
manuscript. This hymn is associated with the composition of 鈥楢ltus鈥 in the prefaces
of the three Irish versions, though no copy of it survives in Ireland.
餃筹湷
The linking
餃筹湴
A. O鈥橩elleher and G. Schoepperle (ed.),
Betha Colaim Chille: life of Columcille compiled by Manus
O鈥橠onnell in
餃憋湹餃筹湶
(Urbana, Illinois
餃憋湽餃憋湼
), pp.
餃诧湴餃
-
餃帮湽
; and see Herbert,
Iona, Kells and Derry
,
餃憋湶餃
.
餃筹湵
Kenney,
Sources
i, no.
餃讹湶餃
, p.
餃凤湸餃
.
餃筹湶
Ibid.
, no.
餃诧湶餃
, p.
餃达湷餃
. Columba is made to say,
鈥榤y
Altus
angelic and holy
my
Easparta
for Thursday
my
Amra
with the king of the pure, bright moon
here I leave after me . . . 鈥
(translation in Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber Hymnorum
, ii, p.
餃憋湸餃
. Further evidence for
medieval Irish interest in the poem is collected by E. O鈥機urry,
Lectures on the manuscript materials of
ancient Irish history
(Dublin
餃憋湼餃讹湵
)
餃凤湺
鈥
餃凤湽
.
餃筹湷
This is the
Leabhar breac
version, translated in Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber Hymnorum
ii,
餃诧湷
鈥
餃
: 鈥榓s he was going to the mill, Colum Cille composed this little hymn
Adiutor Laborantium
; and
餃筹湷餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
of these two hymns in both the Irish and the English witnesses suggests that there
may have been a single source ancestral to both traditions.
餄筹澊餄癸潿餄
鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 has often attracted attention for its style and diction. Bernard
and Atkinson, for instance, describe it as 鈥榬ude and barbarous, though vigorous鈥.
餃筹湸
The description acknowledges its unclassical character, but also gives some hints of
its positive qualities. It is an outstandingly ambitious work, dense and convoluted
both in its expression and in the actual movement of the thought.
The density of ideas is paralleled stylistically by the richness of the vocabulary.
The author goes to considerable lengths to avoid repeating words, which is the
more remarkable because he unifies his far-ranging subject-matter by repeating
themes from one part of the poem to another. The e
ff
ect of a hymn is cumula-
tive, but within it, there is often some element of parallelism. For example, stars
appear more than once, as
sidera
,
astra
, or specifically named. The world is
terra
,
tellus
,
orbis
, or
mundus
. The concepts 鈥榩rison鈥 and 鈥榟ell鈥 are evoked in several sep-
arate places: Stanzas D and G use the words
barathrum
,
carcer
and
ergastulum
,
but when the theme resurfaces in Stanzas N and O, the word used in N is
infer-
num
and in O it is expressed by implication. Similarly, both Moses and God are
pictured as judges, but though Moses is described as 鈥榠udex populus Israhelitici鈥,
the idea of God as a judge is expressed in more indirect terms, by reference to the
鈥榯ribunal Domini鈥. These thematic links from one part of the poem to another
help to establish the pattern of sacred history which the poet is creating. Near the
beginning, in D, a third part of the stars (which are also angels, a standard patristic
identification) are said to fall before the creation of the world.
餃筹湹
Near the end, in X,
the rest of the stars fall at the end of the world. The
tuba
sounded by the archangel
as the graves give up their dead in T recalls the
buccina
which was heard as Moses
spoke with God on Sinai in Q. The poet does not engage in typological parallelism
between Old and New Testaments, since he makes no direct reference to any part
of human history between Exodus and the Apocalypse. The texture of his writ-
ing, however, which requires slow and meditative reading, suggests a mind trained
in awareness of correspondences. It is probably no accident which places Lucifer
in Stanza C and uses Vesper, the same star under an opposite aspect, as a type of
Christ in Stanza U.
餃筹湺
This is to have moved some distance from naive repetition: it
has much more to do with ideas of repeating and mirroring and corresponding, in
it is in alphabetical order. So when Colum Cille put the first feed into the mouth of the mill, he then
began upon the
Altus
, and the composition of the hymn and the grinding of the corn were completed
together, nor was it as the fruit of meditation but
per gratiam Dei
鈥.
餃筹湸
Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber Hymnorum
ii,
餃憋湸餃
.
餃筹湹
The proportion of fallen angels to unfallen here is unusual in the light of patristic tradition, which
more often produces a figure of one-tenth. It is, however, also found in a later Irish work, the
Saltair
na Rann
(lines
餃憋湼餃筹湻
鈥
餃达湴
), D. Greene and F. Kelly (ed.),
The Irish Adam and Eve story
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃凤湺
)
餃革湵
. This, then, may be another indication that the poet was drawing on materials available in an Irish
milieu, later also available to the Irish author of the
Saltair
.
餃筹湺
The typology is an old one: the fourth- or fifth-century Gallican hymn 鈥楧eus qui caeli lumen es鈥
(probably a source for 鈥楢ltus鈥) includes the verse,
iam noctis umbra linquitur,
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湷餃
the sense in which these are is used by students of the
visual
arts. Hymns, which
appear cyclically in the lives of individuals, in the form of 鈥榓 book of hymns for
the week鈥,
餃筹湻
or year, are artefacts designed for the quintessentially monastic activity
of
ruminatio
: going over and round a theme. They characteristically explore the
resonances of their chosen theme, whether this be the hour of the day, the day of
the year, or the life of a saint. Their peculiar function is to link the intellectual
and the spiritual: facts, and their significance, within the context of a Christian
world perceived as intrinsically full of meaningful correspondence.
The syntactic structure of the poem is relatively simple. A particularly noticeable
aspect of the poet鈥檚 style is his preference for nouns. An appearance of complex-
ity is given by the characteristic dense knots of appositional clauses, which tend
to be interlaced with one another. Many of his sentences have several nouns in
apposition, for example
Mare, aquas condiderat
Herbarum quoque germina,
Virgultorum arbuscula,
Solem, lunam ac sidera,
Ignem ac necessaria,
Aues, pisces et pecora,
Bestias, animalia. . . (E,
餃
鈥
餃憋湴
)
This is an extreme case, but the poem provides many examples of double subjects
or objects. He is also very prone to using one noun to qualify another rather than
an adjective, as in 鈥榰irgultorum arbuscula鈥, or 鈥榓uctoris cenodoxiae鈥. This repeti-
tion, variation, and heavy weighting with named, concrete objects contributes to
the slow-moving, ponderous quality of the verse. In essence, each stanza consists
of a simple sentence, separate from the contiguous stanzas.
A delight in variation of vocabulary is characteristic of poets in general, but it is
also characteristic of the
Hisperica famina
, with which 鈥楢ltus鈥 has often been asso-
ciated, on very slight grounds. There is, in fact, very little overlap of vocabulary. A
principal distinguishing feature of the
Hisperica famina
is the use of interlace. The
Famina
are particularly given to lines on the pattern, 鈥榝rondicomas auitica orbat
latebras turma鈥 (A-Text,
餃憋湸餃
)
Adomn谩n is also fond of this decorative device, which he uses either in the simple
form of an adjective and noun separated on either side of a verb or participle, or as
two interlaced adjective/noun pairs, for example, 鈥榠n aquilonem conuertit flatum鈥,
and 鈥榩raemisis multorum cyclis annorum鈥.
餃筹湼
The second, more emphatic pattern is
rare in Adomn谩n鈥檚 writing, but the first is quite common. This tendency towards
interweaving substantives round a central verb is also found in the sixth-century
polum caligo deserit,
typusque Christi Lucifer
diem sopitum suscitans.
(Walpole,
Early Latin Hymns
,
餃诧湵餃
鈥
餃诧湶餃
, p.
餃诧湶餃
).
餃筹湻
Columba had such a book on Iona, as we learn from Adomn谩n, Anderson and Anderson,
Vita S.
Columbae
ii.
餃
, p.
餃筹湸餃
.
餃筹湼
Anderson and Anderson,
Vita S. Columbae
, ii.
餃憋湹
, and second preface, pp.
餃筹湹餃
and
餃憋湼餃
.
餃筹湷餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
writer Columbanus, as in 鈥榪uam alacer annos superuenit pater post multos鈥.
餃筹湽
It is
characteristic of Hiberno-Latin style in general, though by no means confined to
it.
餃达湴
鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 appears to be quite di
ff
erent from the
Famina
in this respect.
Syntactic patterning, of course, is necessarily subordinated in a poem to the
demands of rhythm and rhyme. In this case, the poet鈥檚 tendency to use a large
number of nouns is not accompanied by any tendency to group them round
a central verb. When the main verb of a stanza is near the middle, it is more
likely to be preceded by ablative absolute clauses, as in F and G, and there is
absolutely no sign of any striving for an approximation of the hexameter 鈥榞olden
line鈥 which is such an important model for the faminators. The second of the
interlace patterns noted in Adomn谩n is much better represented, perhaps because
it creates a double assonance: e.g. 鈥榯rinitatis in omnibus largitatis muneribus鈥 (B,
餃
鈥
餃
). 鈥榗laritate praefulgoris uenustate speciminis鈥 (C
餃
鈥
餃
), 鈥榓uctoris cenodoxiae
peruicacis inuidiae鈥 (C
餃
鈥
餃憋湴
). The poet鈥檚 choice of eight-syllabled rhymed lines
creates a natural environment for this type of interlace, as two words with
the same ending, thus separated from each other, can be used as the rhyme
words. Its presence in this poem is thus not necessarily dependent on its use
in Hiberno-Latin prose, though the fact that the poems鈥檚 verbal patternings
are closer to those of Adomn谩n than to the
Hisperica famina
may have some
significance.
Another noticeable feature of the poem鈥檚 style is that it contains few compara-
tives and superlatives, which where they occur, are clearly used with their full value.
There are no diminutives at all. This is in sharp contrast to Adomn谩n, who uses
many superlatives and diminutives merely for emphasis, and without any partic-
ular force (so for instance, the same building may be a
tegorium
, or a
tegoriolum
,
and Columba鈥檚 own
digituli
were presumably of ordinary size).
餃达湵
The vocabulary of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is an aspect of the poem which has attracted
scholarly attention. To F. J. E. Raby, it was 鈥榟isperic鈥, and to W. M. Lindsay,
it was basically 鈥榞lossary-Latin鈥.
餃达湶
Both statements are less than adequate even as
generalities. The basis of the author鈥檚 latinity is undoubtedly the language of the
Bible and ecclesiastical Late Latin.
餃达湷
He was familiar with both Vetus Latina and
Vulgate Bible-texts, and probably knew some parts of the Bible o
ff
by heart: he
conflates Genesis and Apocalypse in Stanza P in a way that suggests utter familiarity
with both, and his choice of words and expression throughout the poem shows his
thought to be permeated by that of the Pauline Epistles. The Bible, in other words,
餃筹湽
Walker
Opera
,
餃碉湺
.
餃达湴
See further, M. Winterbottom, 鈥楥olumbanus and Gildas鈥,
Vigiliae Christianae
餃筹湴
(
餃憋湽餃凤湺
)
餃筹湵餃
鈥
餃憋湻
and
鈥楢 鈥淐eltic鈥 hyperbaton?鈥
Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies
餃诧湻
(
餃憋湽餃凤湺
鈥
餃
)
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃憋湶
; and M. Niedermann,
鈥楲es d茅riv茅s latins en -
osus
dans les
Hisperica famina
鈥,
Bulletin du Cange
餃诧湷
(
餃憋湽餃碉湷
)
餃凤湹
鈥
餃憋湴餃
.
餃达湵
Anderson and Anderson,
Vita S. Columbae
, i.
餃诧湹
; iii.
餃诧湷
, and iii.
餃
, pp.
餃诧湹餃
,
餃碉湶餃
, and p.
餃筹湸餃
.
餃达湶
F. J. E. Raby,
The Oxford Book of Medieval Latin Verse
(Oxford
餃憋湽餃碉湽
)
餃达湹餃
; W. M. Lindsay, 鈥楥olumba鈥檚
Altus
and the 鈥淎bstrusa鈥 glossary鈥,
Classical Quarterly
餃憋湻
(
餃憋湽餃诧湷
)
餃憋湽餃
鈥
餃
.
餃达湷
Ludwig Bieler commented on early Hiberno-Latin in general that it was 鈥榯he language of late Chris-
tian antiquity鈥 (in Walker,
Opera
, p. lxxviii). Which is to say, that Hiberno-Latin writers modelled
their writing on the language of the Vulgate and the Latin fathers of the Church rather than on either
classical Latin or the rapidly evolving vernacular Latin of contemporary continental writers.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湷餃
is the main source not only for the content of the poem, but also for its expression,
diction, and vocabulary. For example, Job
餃筹湼
is of particular importance to the
author as a source of information about the physical universe; but as well as shaping
his ideas, it shaped his vocabulary. The words 鈥
basis
鈥 (M,
餃憋湵
), 鈥
signaculum
鈥 (Q,
餃
)
鈥
specus
鈥 (X,
餃憋湵
) and 鈥
uectis
鈥 (M,
餃
), scattered about the poem in a variety of contexts,
are all to be found in this one chapter.
The next most important influence on the vocabulary of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is
ecclesiastical Latin. This provided him with his technical vocabulary: 鈥
ingenitus
鈥,
鈥
coaeternus
鈥 and 鈥
unigenitus
鈥, from the Athanasian Creed, are obvious examples,
but 鈥
apostata
鈥, 鈥
cenodoxia
鈥 and 鈥
prostoplastus
鈥 also come into this category. Most of
the grecisms such as 鈥
cenodoxia
鈥 used by this writer are, from his point of view,
Latin: they will have come to him through Christian Latin literature where they
had been naturalised for centuries. They must not be interpreted as implying any
acquaintance on the author鈥檚 part with the Greek language itself.
餃达湸
There is a small Classical element to the vocabulary of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥. The
phrase 鈥
immensae molis
鈥 (F,
餃
) is Virgilian, and 鈥
mundi machinam
鈥 (E,
餃
) Lucretian
in origin.
餃达湹
Words like 鈥
brumalis
鈥 and 鈥
praefulgeo
鈥 are highly literary. They do not
form a large part of the author鈥檚 vocabulary, but they contribute substantially to
the sense that he used words skilfully and with a sense of their full meaning, over-
tones, and register. There appears also to be some use of words derived from the
late Latin glossaries, 鈥楢bstrusa鈥 and 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥. 鈥楢bstrusa鈥 has a very close relationship
with the Hiberno-Latin
Explanatio in Bucolica
which may have been composed in
Iona,
餃达湺
and was also used in seventh-century Southumbria.
餃达湻
Its closest point of
contact with 鈥楢ltus鈥 is the gloss 鈥
scylla: saxa latentia in mari
鈥, which may explain
the use of plural
scyllae
with generalised meaning in K,
餃憋湵
. 鈥楢bstrusa鈥 is also the par-
ent of a somewhat later glossary, 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥, to the extent of about half its glosses.
餃达湼
Several of the glosses and lemmas in 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥 seem to underlie the way in which
the author of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 uses particular words. 鈥
Tinnio
鈥 in Y,
餃
seems to mean
鈥榮ound, resound鈥, with if anything, the connotation of a loud noise rather than a
soft one. 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥 has 鈥
tinniens: sonans
鈥.
餃达湽
Its 鈥
depromit: profert aut proferit
鈥 simi-
larly explains the meaning 鈥榮et forth鈥 required by 鈥楢ltus鈥 A,
餃憋湵
. The most significant
餃达湸
C. Mohrmann has written on grecisms in the early Latin-speaking church in her
脡tudes sur le latin
des chr茅tiens
, Storia e letteratura
餃讹湹
(Rome
餃憋湽餃碉湼
)
餃憋湴餃
.
餃达湹
A. Campbell, 鈥楽ome linguistic features of early Anglo-Latin verse and its use of Classical models鈥,
Transactions of the Cambridge Philological Society
(
餃憋湽餃碉湷
)
餃
鈥
餃诧湴
, p.
餃
, comments that 鈥
machina mundi
鈥 had
become a 鈥榮tock expression鈥 by the time of Aldhelm.
餃达湺
D. C. C. Daintree, 鈥
Explanatio in Bucolica
: a new edition of an Early Medieval scholar鈥檚 notes on
the eclogues of Vergil鈥 (MLitt. thesis, Cambridge University Library,
餃憋湽餃革湷
), p.
餃憋湵
.
餃达湻
H. J. Thomson (ed.),
Glossaria Latina
III (Paris
餃憋湽餃诧湺
)
餃
鈥
餃癸湴
. The main contributors to 鈥楢bstrusa鈥
are Vergil scholia, the Bible (partly in Vetus Latina versions) and the
Historia ecclesiastica
of Rufinus
(Thomson, pp. xv鈥搙xi). W. M. Lindsay has suggested in 鈥楾he Abstrusa glossary and the liber glos-
sarum鈥,
Classical Quarterly
餃憋湵
(
餃憋湽餃憋湻
)
餃憋湵餃
鈥
餃筹湴
, p.
餃憋湶餃
, that Isidore also contributed to the formation of
the glossary as we now have it, putting its date, therefore, in the later seventh century. The earliest
manuscript of 鈥楢bstrusa鈥 is eighth century, Roma, Vat. Lat.
餃筹湷餃诧湵
(
CLA
I.
餃憋湹
). Isidore, however, is not a
primary source for the glossary which is mostly dependent on much older material.
餃达湼
H. J. Thomson, 鈥楢 new supplement to the Berne Scholia on Virgil鈥,
Journal of Philology
餃筹湹
(
餃憋湽餃憋湽
鈥
餃诧湴
)
餃诧湹餃
鈥
餃革湺
, p.
餃诧湻餃
, demonstrates the extent of 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥檚 dependence on 鈥楢bstrusa鈥. 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥 is printed in
G. Goetz,
Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum
餃
vols (Leipzig
餃憋湼餃革湼
鈥
餃憋湽餃诧湷
), iv, pp.
餃达湻餃
鈥
餃碉湼餃
.
餃达湽
Goetz,
Corpus Glossariorum
iv, p.
餃碉湴餃
.
餃
.
餃筹湷餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
gloss is 鈥
donaria: munera
鈥.
餃碉湴
鈥楢ltus鈥 uses
donarium
in F,
餃憋湶
to mean 鈥榞ift鈥.
餃碉湵
In con-
trast, 鈥楢bolita鈥 and other glossaries, more correctly, have 鈥
donaria: loca donorum
鈥.
餃碉湶
鈥楢
ff
atim鈥 also has the gloss 鈥
pontiae: aquae
鈥,
餃碉湷
a word used in an actual literary con-
text only by the author of 鈥楢ltus鈥 and by Aldhelm, as far as I can discover. These
few words, particularly
donarium
in this particular sense and
pontia
because of its
rarity, suggest that part of 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥 or a related glossary was among our author鈥檚
literary resources.
The vocabulary of 鈥楢ltus鈥 also contains artificial elements characteristic of early
Hiberno-Latin writers who strove for aesthetic e
ff
ect. A love of Greek words, poeti-
cal terms, rare words and neologisms can be found in many writers from the Briton
Gildas, who may be an important model, through Columbanus and Adomn谩n to
the Irish Augustine and the author of
De ordine creaturarum
.
餃碉湸
Other features of the
Hiberno-Latin 鈥榟igh style鈥 are complex sentences with a tendency towards inter-
lace, and a liking for certain tricks of word formation, such as adjectives in -
osus
and substantives in -
men
.
餃碉湹
These tendencies are found to some extent in 鈥楢ltus
prosator鈥.
In all these respects, the diction of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 resembles that of demonstra-
bly seventh-century Hiberno-Latin works. The Latin writing of Irish authors of
the sixth and seventh centuries is correct rather than colloquial. In addition, when
a Hiberno-Latin writer sought to impress, he adopted a high style characterised by
a florid and unusual vocabulary and elaborate, somewhat poetic syntactic struc-
tures. The better writers, such as Adomn谩n and Columbanus, commanded more
than one level of style.
餃碉湺
Hiberno-Latin writers aiming at impressiveness tended
to mine the works of their predecessors for interesting vocabulary. The author
of 鈥楢ltus鈥 displays the same tendency. Six of his most unusual words are also to
be found in Gildas鈥檚
De excidio Britanniae
,
餃碉湻
and the two texts additionally have
in common an extended use of the 鈥榙ies irae鈥 passage in Zephaniah.
餃碉湼
We can-
not necessarily deduce that the author of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 had read Gildas. Since
it is only individual words that we are dealing with, there is always the possibil-
ity that it was glossary lists rather than actual texts which circulated between the
centres of learning involved, perhaps resembling the Leiden Glossary compiled in
餃碉湴
Ibid., p.
餃碉湴餃
.
餃憋湸
.
餃碉湵
The other main possibility here is that this usage comes from the Vulgate: Exod.
餃筹湺
:
餃
uses the word
to mean 鈥榲otive o
ff
ering鈥.
餃碉湶
鈥楢bstrusa鈥 does not have 鈥
donaria
鈥. 鈥楢bolita鈥 (W. M. Lindsay [ed.],
Glossaria Latina
iii (Paris
餃憋湽餃诧湺
),
pp.
餃癸湷
鈥
餃憋湼餃
, p.
餃憋湶餃
) is closely associated with 鈥楢bstrusa鈥, and often found paired with it: see E. A. Lowe,
鈥楾he oldest extant manuscript of the combined Abstrusa and Abolita glossaries鈥,
Classical Quarterly
餃憋湹
(
餃憋湽餃诧湵
)
餃憋湼餃
鈥
餃癸湵
.
餃碉湷
Goetz,
Corpus Glossariorum
iv, pp.
餃碉湹餃
.
餃筹湼
.
餃碉湸
M. Winterbottom, 鈥楥olumbanus and Gildas鈥, pp.
餃筹湵餃
鈥
餃憋湻
.
餃碉湹
M. Niedermann, 鈥楲es d茅riv茅s latins en -
osus
鈥.
餃碉湺
See C. Mohrmann, 鈥楾he earliest Continental Irish Latin鈥,
Vigiliae Christianae
餃憋湺
(
餃憋湽餃讹湶
)
餃诧湵餃
鈥
餃筹湷
;
and G. Br眉ning, 鈥楢damnans
Vita Columbae
und ihre Ableitungen鈥,
Zeitschrift f 篓ur celtische Philologie
餃憋湵
(
餃憋湽餃憋湺
鈥
餃憋湻
)
餃诧湵餃
鈥
餃筹湴餃
.
餃碉湻
鈥
Lampas
鈥, 鈥
tithicus
鈥, 鈥
grassator
鈥, 鈥
thesaurizo
鈥, 鈥
zabulus
鈥, 鈥
barathrum
鈥:
De excidio Britanniae
餃憋湴
.
餃憋湶
;
餃憋湽
.
餃
;
餃诧湵
.
餃
;
餃筹湶
.
餃
;
餃筹湸
.
餃
;
餃筹湸
.
餃
(ed. M. Winterbottom [London and Chicester
餃憋湽餃凤湼
]
餃癸湶
,
餃癸湸
,
餃憋湴餃
,
餃憋湴餃
); 鈥楢ltus鈥 Q,
餃
;
U,
餃
: G,
餃
; I;
餃憋湴
; G,
餃
; D,
餃
.
餃碉湼
Winterbottom,
De excidio
[
餃碉湹
] p.
餃憋湸餃
; 鈥楢ltus鈥 R,
餃
鈥
餃
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湷餃
seventh-century Canterbury with its batches of lemmata from di
ff
erent curricu-
lum authors.
餃碉湽
Furthermore, the same word could appear in the works of several
di
ff
erent writers potentially or certainly accessible to our author. For example,
鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 and the works of Columbanus have in common the words 鈥
ceno-
doxia
鈥, 鈥
ergastula
鈥, 鈥
dodrans
鈥, and 鈥
tithis
鈥.
餃讹湴
The first of these occurs in Gildas and in
Cassian鈥檚
conlationes
, and 鈥
ergastulum
鈥 and 鈥
dodrans
鈥 in the
commentarium
of Philip
the presbyter,
餃讹湵
one of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 鈥檚 most important patristic sources.
The vocabulary of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 in every way upholds the thesis that it is a Hib-
erno-Latin poem of the seventh century or earlier, but not that it is 鈥榟isperic鈥. The
element of neologism, grecism, archaism and obscurantism in 鈥楢ltus鈥 is small. The
only recherch茅 words found in
both
鈥楢ltus鈥 and the
Hisperica famina
are 鈥
dodrans
鈥,
which derives from an earlier writer, probably Columbanus, and 鈥
iduma
鈥, an inex-
plicable bit of bad Hebrew.
餃讹湶
There are few examples of characteristically 鈥榟isperic鈥
word-building. 鈥楶rosator鈥 (A,
餃
) is the only -
tor
formation, but the word is attested
in patristic Latin.
餃讹湷
Other words of characteristically 鈥榟isperic鈥 shape are 鈥
fatimen
鈥,
鈥
praesagmen
鈥 and 鈥
flammaticus
鈥, all of which are extremely rare and unusual, but
which do
not
appear in the
Famina
.
餃讹湸
All that this shows is that when the demands
of rhythm, rhyme or aesthetic preference led the author to coin neologisms, he
used ways of doing so similar to those used by other Hiberno-Latin authors, not
only the faminators. The often-stated opinion that the language of 鈥楢ltus鈥 is very
peculiar is in fact based on the mere five or six words which really are bizarre, even
餃碉湽
See M. Lapidge, 鈥楾he School of Theodore and Hadrian鈥 (above, n.), pp.
餃碉湸
鈥
餃碉湹
.
餃讹湴
Walker,
Opera
,
餃碉湸
,
餃凤湺
,
餃达湼
,
餃诧湶
; 鈥楢ltus鈥 C,
餃
; G,
餃憋湶
; I,
餃
; U,
餃
.
餃讹湵
Patrologia latina
XXVI.
餃讹湶餃
and
餃凤湹餃
.
餃讹湶
Two further points of connection were noted by M. W. Herren (ed.),
Hisperica famina I: the A-Text
(Toronto
餃憋湽餃凤湸
)
餃筹湻
, the correspondence of the phrases 鈥榠mmensae molis鈥 (F,
餃
) with 鈥榠nmensi . . . globi鈥
(A-text,
餃达湹餃
), which seems rather tenuous, and 鈥榝ornacis incendium鈥 (X,
餃憋湴
) with 鈥榝ornacis incendio鈥
(A-text,
餃筹湹餃
), which is much closer. Another point of comparison is that the faminators were quite
fond of using enclitic -
que
, used seventeen times in 鈥楢ltus鈥, twelve times in the (probably) sixth-century
hymn 鈥楢udite omnes鈥, and hardly at all in any other Hiberno-Latin hymn. As far as the word
iduma
is
concerned, all glossators agree that it means 鈥榟and鈥; a possible derivation is from
yadaim
(Heb. plural),
鈥榯he forearms鈥 (Herren,
Hisperica famina I
,
餃憋湶餃
); another, from
iamin
(Heb.), 鈥榬ight hand鈥. Both are
etymologically dubious, the latter would give a better fit with meaning, especially since the context here
in 鈥楢ltus鈥 is that it means the 鈥榙extera Dei鈥, the Hand, or Power, of God (on which see W. M. Lindsay
(ed.),
Etymologiae
,
餃
vols (Oxford
餃憋湽餃憋湵
) VII.ii.
餃诧湷
; and J. D. MacIsaac, 鈥楾he Hand of God鈥,
Traditio
餃筹湵
(
餃憋湽餃凤湹
)
餃筹湶餃
鈥
餃诧湼
). The latest attempt to solve this mystery is that of A. Breen, 鈥業duma (鈥
idouma
)鈥,
Celtica
餃诧湵
(
餃憋湽餃癸湴
) pp.
餃达湴
鈥
餃碉湴
.
餃讹湷
It appears in the patristic period, used for instance by Julian of Aeclanum, in Augustine鈥檚
contra
secundam Iuliani responsionem imperfectum opus
, I, p.
餃癸湴
(
Patrologia latina
XV.
餃憋湴餃达湽
鈥
餃憋湺餃帮湼
, col.
餃憋湵餃帮湼
).
More significantly, the first stanza of the Gallican hymn 鈥楧eus, qui caeli lumen es鈥 (on which see note
??
,
above) runs:
Deus, qui caeli lumen es
satorque lucis, qui polum
paterno fultum bracchio
praeclara pandis dextera.
This o
ff
ers the word
sator
, of which
prosator
is simply a three-syllable variant), and a source for the M
stanza鈥檚 鈥榮u
ff
ultu Dei iduma / omnipotentis ualida鈥 (M,
餃
鈥
餃
). Note
fultum
/
su
ff
ultum
.
餃讹湸
These words are not to be found in any surviving source which appears to pre-date the poem.
鈥
Praesagmen
鈥, 鈥
prosator
鈥, and 鈥
pontia
鈥 are used by Aldhelm, who may well have derived them from the
poem. The only other attestations of 鈥
flammaticus
鈥 are in Hrabanus Maurus and the Harley Glossary,
both of which are directly dependent on 鈥楢ltus鈥.
餃筹湷餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
by the standards of seventh-century Hiberno-Latin: 鈥
dodrans
鈥, 鈥
iduma
鈥, 鈥
pontia
鈥,
鈥
fatimen
鈥, 鈥
flammaticus
鈥, and 鈥
praesagmen
鈥. What is much clearer and more signif-
icant about the poet鈥檚 vocabulary is that a number of his words and expressions
have obvious a
ffi
liations with texts known to be seventh-century Insular Latin.
It is links between the vocabulary of the poem and the works of Adomn谩n, the
faminators, Aldhelm and others which begins to clarify the question of when and
where it might have been written.
Since 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 seems from its language and style to have been written in
the seventh century, and the Irish
liber hymnorum
associates it with Saint Columba,
it is interesting that there is some overlap in vocabulary between this poem and
the works of Adomn谩n, abbot of Iona from
餃讹湻餃
to
餃凤湴餃
. Furthermore, the points
of resemblance between Adomn谩n鈥檚 prose and the
hisperica famina
may suggest
that there was a recension of the
famina
at Iona in the second half of the seventh
century
餃讹湹
鈥 a not implausible conjecture, since Iona was a major centre of learn-
ing and culture.
餃讹湺
Adomn谩n鈥檚 works contain several of the more unusual words in
鈥楢ltus鈥; 鈥
carubdis
鈥, 鈥
protoplaustus
鈥, 鈥
lampas
鈥, 鈥
edax
鈥, 鈥
gigas
鈥, 鈥
dialis
鈥, and 鈥
globus
鈥,
餃讹湻
the
last in the sense of 鈥榤ass鈥: 鈥榞lobum niuis mollem鈥, which is between the usual
sense of the word, and its usage in 鈥楢ltus鈥. 鈥
Dialis
鈥 is a rare word, but one which
Adomn谩n uses six times in the
Vita S. Columbae
: it may be peculiar to Adomn谩n
and the author of 鈥楢ltus鈥. 鈥
Carubdis
鈥, on the other hand, occurs in Muirch煤鈥檚
Vita
S. Patricii
, and so was evidently in circulation in seventh-century Northern Irish
cultural centres.
餃讹湼
The most significant parallel between Adomn谩n鈥檚 work and 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is
in the use of a specific section of the so-called Hegesippus鈥檚
Historiae
, II,
餃诧湻
, a
description of Pharos and the dangerous waters round it:
餃讹湽
unde fit ut illidentibus se in partem insulae fluctibus et recurrentibus in
aduersum inter scrupeas rupes molesque. . .
Lines K,
餃憋湵
鈥
餃憋湶
run
餃讹湹
This was suggested by P. Grosjean, 鈥
Confusa caligo
, remarques sur les
Hisperica famina
鈥,
Celtica
餃
(
餃憋湽餃碉湺
)
餃筹湹
鈥
餃革湹
, p.
餃凤湽
. A particular point of contact is the use of
ansportare
for
asportare
by Adomn谩n,
in the
Hisperica famina
, and by Aldhelm (p.
餃碉湶
). This orthographic variant also appears in the Epinal
glossary, Goetz,
Corpus Glossariorum
V,
餃筹湸餃
.
餃筹湻
.
餃讹湺
I have argued in 鈥楤angor and the
hisperica famina
鈥,
Peritia
餃
鈥
餃
(
餃憋湽餃癸湴
)
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃憋湺
, that a recension of
the
Famina
was known and used in seventh-century Bangor, geographically not far from Iona. The
friendly relations of the monasteries are suggested by Adomn谩n鈥檚 presentation of a cordial relationship
between Comgall and Columba, e.g. in Anderson and Anderson,
Vita S. Columbani
i.
餃达湽
, pp.
餃筹湵餃
鈥
餃
. Grosjean commented on the 鈥榯races d鈥檋isp猫rique鈥 in the work of Adomn谩n, as well as in 鈥楢ltus鈥, in
鈥楥onfusa caligo鈥, p.
餃讹湽
: 鈥榩eut-锚tre d茅couvrirait-on quelque lien entre une 鈥渆dition鈥 des
Hisperica famina
et Iona: langue sp茅ciale qui rassemblerait, en latin et dans la mani猫re ecclesiastique, 脿 la langue special
des po猫tes irlandais anciens dont S. Colum Cille est r茅put茅 le protecteur, peut-锚tre une langue sp茅ciale
fabriqu茅e par quelqu鈥檜n de ces po猫tes devenu moine . . .鈥.
餃讹湻
Vita
i.
餃
, (p.
餃诧湶餃
); D. Meehan [and L. Bieler] (ed.),
De locis sanctis
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃碉湼
), II.x.
餃
(p.
餃革湴
);
餃憋湷
times in
de locis
(see
index uerborum
, p.
餃憋湷餃
); ibid. II.xxx.
餃诧湽
(p.
餃憋湴餃
); II.viii.
餃
(p.
餃凤湼
);
餃
times in
Vita
(see
index uerborum
, p.
餃碉湼餃
);
de locis
II.iv.: 鈥楢ltus鈥 K,
餃
; E,
餃憋湶
; Q,
餃
; N;
餃
, L,
餃憋湴
; M,
餃
; H,
餃
.
餃讹湼
Muirch煤,
prologus
餃
, in L. Bieler (ed.),
The Patrician texts in the Book of Armagh
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃凤湽
)
餃讹湶
.
餃讹湽
V. Ussani (ed.),
Hegesippi qui dicitur historiae libri
V,
Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
(CSEL)
餃讹湺
,
餃
vols, (Vienna
餃憋湽餃筹湶
/
餃讹湴
) i, p.
餃诧湼餃
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湷餃
Scyllis obtecti fluctibus
eliduntur et scrupibus.
Hegesippus鈥檚 work was not widely known in early Ireland.
De locis sanctis
was
not the source for 鈥楢ltus鈥, though, since the use of the passage made by the author
of the poem does not overlap completely with its use by Adomn谩n. This same
section of 鈥楬egesippus鈥 contains three further words common to Adomn谩n and
the
Hisperica famina
: 鈥榓nfractus鈥, 鈥榮trues鈥, and 鈥榦
ff
ensos scopulos鈥.
餃凤湴
There are no
apparent further correspondences between any two of these three texts. Since the
work of 鈥楬egesippus鈥, or at least Books III and IV, was clearly available to Adomn谩n
in Iona, and there is no trace of its presence at any other Irish centre of learning,
the fact that the author of 鈥楢ltus鈥 appears to use it at first hand and not by way of
De locis sanctis
is an argument for the poem鈥檚 having been written at Iona, or in a
centre closely connected with it (if it is Irish at all, as its diction and style strongly
suggest). The verbal overlap between these texts also strengthens the link between
Iona and the
Hisperica famina
.
The metre of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is also relevant to establishing its date and
place of composition. The model for the composition of hymns in sixth- and
seventh-century Ireland was naturally the work of the Late Latin hymnodists.
Two quantitative metres are of outstanding importance. The first was based on
the classical trochaic septenarius, often used for non-literary, purposes; riddles,
popular satiric pieces, soldier鈥檚 songs and the like, in which context it is referred to
as
uersus quadratus
. Because hymns were intended to appeal to the widest possible
audience, they tended to use verse-forms more demotic than the hexameter. In
later Latin, this demotic metre was used for the hymns of Hilary of Poitiers in
the fourth century, and Venantius Fortunatus鈥檚 鈥楶ange, lingua鈥 in the sixth.
The other important hymn-metre is the iambic dimeter. Although this is very
rarely seen in the survivals of Classical Latin popular literature, it was adopted
by Ambrose in the fourth century for his enormously influential hymns, and
became common in the Christian tradition after his time. This is an example
from Ambrose:
Deus creator omnium
polique rector, uestiens
diem decoro lumine
noctem soporis gratia
餃凤湵
Both these metres were known in seventh-century Ireland. The Antiphonary of
Bangor contains a text of 鈥楬ymnum dicat turba fratrum鈥, in
uersus quadratus
, a
Gallican hymn wrongly attributed to Hilary; and another Gallican hymn, 鈥業gnis
creator igneus鈥, in iambic dimeter.
餃凤湶
餃凤湴
Noted by Bieler, in Meehan [and Bieler],
De locis sanctis
, p.
餃憋湼
. See further L. Bieler, 鈥楢damnan und
Hegesipp鈥,
Wiener Studien
餃讹湽
(
餃憋湽餃碉湺
)
餃筹湸餃
鈥
餃
.
餃凤湵
Walpole,
Early Latin Hymns
,
餃达湸
鈥
餃达湽
.
餃凤湶
This hymn is discussed by W. Bulst, 鈥楬ymnologica partim hibernica鈥, in
Latin Script and Letters,
餃达湴餃
鈥
餃癸湴餃
, ed. J. J. O鈥橫eara and B. Naumann (Leiden
餃憋湽餃凤湺
)
餃革湷
鈥
餃憋湴餃
, pp.
餃癸湶
鈥
餃癸湷
. His conclusion is, 鈥楨in
Grund, f篓ur 鈥淚gnis creator鈥 (und 鈥淪ancti, uenite鈥) continentale Herkunft zu vermuten, besteht nicht.鈥
The crux here is how far we are able to accept the thesis that any sixth-century Irish scholars cultivated
metrical verse.
餃筹湸餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
There is no secure evidence that any early Irish centre of culture cultivated met-
rical verse, which is the main reason why one is reluctant to assign 鈥業gnis creator鈥
to Ireland. And to readers unfamiliar with the controlling principles of metri-
cal verse, the structure of a metrical hymn was not immediately obvious. Instead
of analysing the hymns into feet, they seem to have interpreted the structure as
controlled by the number of syllables, and to a certain extent, by stress.
餃凤湷
Ver-
sus quadratus
such as 鈥楬ymnum dicat鈥 tends most characteristically to produce a
fifteen-syllable unit, divided into eight syllables with paroxytone stress before the
caesura, and seven syllables with proparoxytone stress after it (for which the short-
hand is
餃
p +
餃
pp). Iambic dimeter similarly reads as stanzas of eight-syllabled lines
with proparoxytone end-stress (
餃
pp).
餃凤湸
The rhythm, especially at the end of the
line, is (as the name suggests) likely to be iambic.
餃凤湹
鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is octosyllabic, with either two or three stresses in each eight-
syllable unit, of which only the last three are fixed (proparoxytone). The poem
does not appear to demand heavy stressing, but rather a regular and even treat-
ment of the syllables;
餃凤湺
structurally, it appears to conform exactly to a syllabic
reinterpretation of iambic dimeter.
The relationship between Classical metrics, stress, and syllable-counting is
complex. Vroom notes:
d鈥檃illeurs, cette 茅volution de la coincidence r茅guli猫re de l鈥檃ccent de mot et des
ictus du vers ne s鈥檃ccomplit pas dans les hexam猫tres rhythmiques, mais dans
d鈥檃utres m猫tres, iambiques et trochaiques, qui, 脿 cause du nombre plus fixe des
syllabes, parurent plus aptes 脿 la po茅sie rhythmique.
餃凤湻
It is precisely a trochaic and an iambic metre which form the base for Christian
Latin syllabic hymns. It is possible that syllabic regularity was early established
even in genuinely metrical hymns for musical reasons. Allowing one note per
syllable, and repeating the tune with each stanza tends to enforce isosyllabism:
餃凤湷
One might compare Praecilius, a third-century African, who read Virgil by accent, not quantity.
What he seems to have perceived was first the caesura, or what he took to be the caesura, and secondly,
the dactylic fall of the end of the line, read accentually. He had much less perception of structure
in the half-line before the caesura. This naive reading of a metrical work in accentual terms seems
comparable with the reading implicit in the development of Hiberno-Latin poetry. H. A. J. Munro,
鈥極n a metrical Latin inscription copied by Mr Blakesley at Cirta and published in his 鈥淔our months
in Algeria鈥 鈥,
Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical Society
餃憋湴
/
餃
(
餃憋湼餃讹湸
)
餃筹湻餃
鈥
餃达湴餃
, p.
餃筹湽餃
.
餃凤湸
The relationship between iambic dimeter, trochaic tetrameter and non-metrical hymns was analysed
by Bede,
De arte metrica
餃诧湸
, 鈥榙e rhythmo鈥: 鈥榪uomodo et ad instar iambici metri pulcherrime factus est
hymnus ille praeclarus: 鈥淩ex aeterne Domine鈥. . . item ad formam metri trochaici canunt hymnum
de die iudicii per alphabetum: 鈥淎pparebit repentina鈥 鈥. He comments that such compositions are 鈥榥on
metrica ratione, sed numero syllabarum ad iudicium aurium examinata鈥.
餃凤湹
D. S. Raven,
Latin metre: an introduction
(London
餃憋湽餃讹湹
)
餃筹湼
, noted that, 鈥榦f the classical metres, only
the iambic and the trochaic lent themselves easily to accentual metres鈥. This is because the number of
syllables almost always remains constant.
餃凤湺
See W. Beare,
Latin verse and European song: a study in accent and rhythm
(London
餃憋湽餃碉湻
)
餃诧湺餃
: 鈥楢ltus
prosator鈥 鈥榝orces us to set accent at defiance in order to keep an even movement鈥.
餃凤湻
Vroom,
Le psaume ab茅c茅daire de Saint Augustin et la po茅sie latine rhythmique
, Latinitas Christianorum
Primaeva
餃
(Nijmegen
餃憋湽餃筹湷
)
餃达湴
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湸餃
some English hymns (for instance the 鈥極ld Hundredth鈥: 鈥楢ll people that on earth
do dwell鈥) are regularly octosyllabic for this reason.
餃凤湼
Syllable-counting in itself has a long and respectable history as an Indo-European
poetic technique. Calvert Watkins extracted the structural features of an Indo-
European short (syllabic) line from a comparative study of Greek, Vedic Sanskrit
and Slavic verse-forms,
餃凤湽
and also from the very similar structure of Old Irish hepta-
syllabic verse.
餃革湴
He pointed out that a poem such as
Amra Choluim Chille
(written
c.
餃讹湴餃
)
餃革湵
is distinguished both by isosyllabism and by stress. The line is fixed at
seven syllables, of which the first four are entirely free as to the position and num-
ber of stresses, while the fifth must be stressed, and the sixth unstressed. Thus
here, as with Hiberno-Latin syllabic hymns, we find a fixed syllable count, and a
fixed stress-pattern at the end only of the line. This, naturally, raises the vexed
question of the relationship between developments in Hiberno-Latin verse and in
Irish itself.
餃革湶
Watkin鈥檚 belief that syllable-counting, only partly modified by stress-
accent, is the primary form of archaic Irish verse was challenged by Carney, who
described syllable-counting as 鈥榓n upper-class aberration鈥, and insisted that it was
accentual metres that were truly archaic in Irish.
餃革湷
The most relevant aspect of
this ongoing debate on vernacular poetry for the present discussion is that both
syllabic and accentual verses were flourishing in Ireland by the end of the sixth
century, suggesting that early medieval vernacular poets were flexible and tolerant
of innovation.
餃革湸
Within Latin itself, native Latin-speakers gradually ceased to distinguish between
long and short vowels from the third century
餄★潳
onwards.
餃革湹
Stress accentuation
had not been alien to the language before that time, though it was not used as
餃凤湼
Halporn
et al
,
The meters
餃憋湵餃
, note of Ambrose鈥檚 iambic dimeter that, 鈥榳hile a longum may replace a
breve in the odd feet, there are few resolutions. This would indicate that one syllable was to be sung to
one note.鈥 P. Wagner,
Einf篓uhrung in die Gregorianische Melodien: ein Handbuch der Choralwissenschaft
餃
vols (Leipzig
餃憋湽餃憋湵
鈥
餃诧湵
) i, p.
餃达湼
, states: 鈥楧ie Teilung des Gedichtes in gleich gebaute Strophen, der Stro-
phen in gleich viele gleich gebaute Verse, ein solcher Bau ist in hohem Grade volkst篓umlich. Er bedingt
eine Melodie, die f篓ur alle Strophen wiederhold werden kann, in ihrer Ausdehnung und Gliederung
genau die einzelnen Verse widerspiegelt. Im allgemeinen wird jede Textsilbe nur einen Ton erhalten
haben; das ist die Norm f眉r das Volkslied aller Zeiten, und f篓ur Melodien, die von gr篓osseren Mengen
vorzutragen sind, ist eine solche Melodiebindung eine Art Notwendigkeit鈥.
餃凤湽
C. Watkins, 鈥業ndo-European metrics and archaic Irish verse鈥,
Celtica
餃
(
餃憋湽餃讹湷
)
餃憋湽餃
鈥
餃诧湸餃
, p.
餃诧湵餃
.
餃革湴
鈥業ndo-European metrics鈥,
餃诧湵餃
鈥
餃憋湽
.
餃革湵
Hull, 鈥
On Amra Choluim Chille
鈥.
餃革湶
R. Thurneysen, in 鈥榋ur irische Accent- und Verslehre鈥,
Revue Celtique
餃
(
餃憋湼餃革湷
鈥
餃革湹
)
餃筹湴餃
鈥
餃达湻
, pp.
餃筹湷餃
鈥
餃达湻
put forward the theory that Irish syllabic poetry was developed on Latin models. He was followed
in this by Kuno Meyer,
A primer of Irish metrics
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃帮湽
)
餃
. Carney鈥檚 view of the place of syllabic
poetry in Irish is associable with this view. Dissenting voices include Watkins, in the article cited above,
and J. Travis,
Early Celtic versecraft
(Shannon
餃憋湽餃凤湷
)
餃癸湽
鈥
餃憋湴餃
.
餃革湷
鈥楾hree Old Irish accentual poems鈥,
脡riu
餃诧湶
(
餃憋湽餃凤湵
)
餃诧湷
鈥
餃革湴
, p.
餃碉湷
. There has, of course, been a very
similar debate on the status of metrical verse within Latin itself.
餃革湸
See further D. Greene, 鈥楢rchaic Irish鈥, in
Indogermanisch und keltisch
, ed. K. H. Schmidt (Wiesbaden
餃憋湽餃凤湻
)
餃憋湵
鈥
餃筹湷
, p.
餃憋湷
; K. Meyer, 鈥 篓Uber die 篓alteste irische Dichtung, I鈥,
Abhandlungen der k篓oniglich preussis-
chen Akademie der Wissenschaften
, phil.-hist. Klasse
餃
(Berlin
餃憋湽餃憋湷
); and R. Thurneysen, 鈥楥olman mac
L茅n茅ni und Sench谩n Torpeist鈥
Zeitschrift f篓ur celtische Philologie
餃憋湽
(
餃憋湽餃筹湵
鈥
餃筹湷
)
餃憋湽餃
鈥
餃诧湴餃
.
餃革湹
Beare,
Latin verse and European song
,
餃碉湺
.
餃筹湸餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
an articulating feature by Classical authors.
餃革湺
Augustine, in the fourth century,
sometimes uses metrical and sometimes rhythmic cursus to end his sentences, as
if the di
ff
erence was unimportant to him.
餃革湻
And from that time on, spoken Latin
had a stress accent, whatever it may have had earlier. This stress accent, however,
did not immediately replace the old metrical system, because the intellegentsia,
like English public-schoolboys of the last century, continued to be taught how to
write metrically correct verses. But stress begins to become more significant in
some fifth-century verse; for example, the hymn 鈥楢 solis ortus cardine鈥, by Caelius
Sedulius, is written in iambic dimeter, but also carries a regular stress.
餃革湼
The
餃
pp form of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 which (I suggest) is based on the iambic dimeter,
is perhaps the single commonest Hiberno-Latin verse form. Of the hymns in the
Antiphonary of Bangor, three out of twelve, together with a set of ten rhymed
collects, are
餃
pp, as are ten of the seventeen hymns in the Irish
Liber hymnorum
.
Since both these collections were made in Ireland, they confirm the popularity of
this metre there.
Another frequent characteristic of Hiberno-Latin verse composition is the use of
alphabetic constructions. Sedulius鈥檚 鈥楢 solis ortus cardine鈥, already mentioned, is
alphabetical, as is Augustine鈥檚
Psalmus contra partem Donati
, a panegyric poem
by Venantius Fortunatus (
De Leontio episcopo
) and two of the three fragmen-
tary hymns attributed to Hilary, 鈥楢nte saecula qui manens鈥 and 鈥 . . . Fefellit
saeuam uerbum factum te caro鈥 (the first five stanzas of this are missing). All
these but Augustine鈥檚 self-consciously demotic, syllabic poem are metrical. The
form, which goes back to the Hebrew poetry of the Old Testament (e.g. Ps.
餃憋湵餃
)
has the advantage of keeping the stanzas in the right order and making sure that
none drops out 鈥 it is also mnemonic.
餃革湽
Whatever its precise origins in the context
of Latin poetry, alphabetic poetry was enthusiastically adopted by Hiberno-Latin
hymnodists. Four out of twelve poems in the Antiphonary have this form, and
five out of seventeen in the Irish
Liber hymnorum
. Thus the alphabetic mode, like
the
餃
pp syllabic metre, is another respect in which 鈥楢ltus鈥 is completely in line with
seventh-century Hiberno-Latin hymnody.
Another characteristic of 鈥楢ltus鈥, and other early Hiberno-Latin hymns, is that
it is rhymed. Rhyme is not unknown in Classical poetry. An inflected language
naturally produces homoioteleuton, which may be either avoided or exploited.
Norberg comments, 鈥榙ans la po茅sie classique, les assonances et les rimes sont plus
ou moins accidentelles ou souvent a un e
ff
et sp茅cial鈥. He considered Caelius
餃革湺
W. M. Lindsay,
The Latin language
(Oxford
餃憋湼餃癸湸
)
餃憋湹餃
: 鈥榳hile the Latin grammarians often speak of
their accent in terms properly applicable only to a pitch-accent, all the features of their language point
to its having been a stress-accent鈥 鈥 in particular, the syncope of unaccented vowels.
餃革湻
Vroom,
Le psaume ab茅c茅daire
,
餃憋湺
. D. Norberg, in his
Introduction 脿 la versification latine m茅di茅vale
(Stockholm
餃憋湽餃碉湼
)
餃革湻
, is still more categorical: 鈥楧u temps de Saint Augustin, selon le t茅moignage de
celui-ci, la di
ff
茅rence entre syllabes longes et syllabes br猫ves avait totalement disparu鈥.
餃革湼
Walpole,
Early Latin hymns
,
餃憋湸餃
鈥
餃碉湼
.
餃革湽
An interest in initial letters, though in the form of acrostics rather than alphabetical arrangements,
goes back in Latin as far as Ennius. See Beare,
Latin verse and European song
,
餃憋湼餃
. Alphabetic poetry in
Hebrew is discussed by Jerome,
Epistola
餃筹湴
, in I. Hilberg (ed.),
Epistolae
CSEL
餃碉湸
鈥
餃碉湺
,
餃
vols (Vienna
餃憋湽餃憋湴
/
餃憋湽餃憋湶
/
餃憋湽餃憋湼
), i, pp.
餃诧湸餃
鈥
餃达湽
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湸餃
Sedulius an important figure in the serious development of rhyme.
餃癸湴
Sedulius鈥檚
hymn 鈥楢 solis ortus cardine鈥 is ornamented by rhyme in every stanza but one,
though in irregular patterns. His rhyme is one-syllable, e.g. 鈥榠nduit . . . condidit鈥;
limitem . . . principem鈥. Nearly all the words at the ends of lines are trisyllabic, pro-
ducing proparoxytone stress, as in the Irish eight-syllable line. Similarly, Venantius
Fortunatus鈥檚 鈥榁exilla regis prodeunt鈥, an iambic dimeter hymn of the sixth century,
uses rhyme freely, though with no consistent pattern. Thus in the developing tra-
dition of hymnody in the fifth and sixth century, rhyme was increasingly used as
ornament, though not yet as a structural element.
Sixth- and seventh-century Irish versifiers, both in Latin and Irish, developed
an interest in rhyme. The
Amra Choluim Chille
, written at the end of the sixth
century, makes some use of rhyme as well as of alliteration.
餃癸湵
It is no more possible
to tell whether the development of rhyme came from Latin and spread to Irish than
it is to decide which of them first developed syllabic verse. Some seventh-century
Hiberno-Latin poems display sophisticated rhyme patterns, with full, two-syllable
rhyme, such as the
uersiculi familiae Benchuir
:
Nauis numquam tur
bata
quamuis fluctibus
tonsa
nuptiis quoque pa
rata
regi Domino
sponsa
.
餃癸湶
The hymns in the Antiphonary display the wide range of poetic forms known in
an Irish monastery by the end of the seventh century. They range from the gen-
uinely metrical 鈥楬ymnum dicat鈥 and 鈥業gnis creator鈥 to the
uersiculi
quoted above,
including octosyllabic poems with no rhyme, such as 鈥楢udite omnes鈥, and octo-
syllabic poems with one-syllable rhyme, such as 鈥楢udite pantes ta erga鈥.
餃癸湷
It is
possible to impose order on this chaos to some extent, since a hymn from the
Antiphonary, 鈥楶recamur patrem鈥 can be dated to the sixth century by its connec-
tions with Columbanus.
餃癸湸
It uses rhyme freely, but not consistently, and so may
point to the conclusion that the development of rhyme as a fully-fledged struc-
tural ornament in Hiberno-Latin took place during the hundred years or so which
separate its composition from that of the
uersiculi
.
The rhyme scheme in 鈥楢ltus鈥 is consistent with a seventh-century date for the
poem. It rhymes the eight-syllable units, using the last, unstressed syllable only,
so that although the rhyme is consistent, it is not obtrusive. The most common
rhyming syllable is -
us
, followed by -
is
, -
os
, -
as
-, -
es
; then -
um
, -
am
, -
erat
, and finally
-
a
, -
e
, -
o
, and -
i
. The normal concordance of noun and adjective or appositional
phrase substantially lessens the e
ff
ect of this one-syllable rhyme. But since no
餃癸湴
Norberg,
Introduction 脿 la versification
,
餃筹湼
. Such a special e
ff
ect is Ovid鈥檚 playful, 鈥榪uot caelum stellas,
tot habet tua Roma puellas鈥. quoted in Halporn
et al
,
The meters
,
餃凤湵
.
餃癸湵
G. Murphy,
Early Irish metrics
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃讹湵
)
餃憋湼
. Carney discussed the importance of alliteration in
early Irish poetry in 鈥楾hree Old Irish accentual poems鈥,
餃碉湹
.
餃癸湶
Warren,
The antiphonary of Bangor
ii,
餃筹湷
.
餃癸湷
Ibid., pp.
餃憋湸
鈥
餃憋湽
.
餃癸湸
Ibid., pp.
餃
鈥
餃
. Verbal correspondences between Columbanus鈥檚 first
epistola
and the hymn suggest
that he wrote 鈥楶recamur patrem鈥, on which see M. Lapidge, 鈥楥olumbanus and the Antiphonary of
Bangor鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湻
),
餃憋湴餃
鈥
餃憋湵餃
.
餃筹湸餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
rhyme at all, one-syllable, two-syllable, and elaborate rhyme-schemes could, on
the evidence of the Antiphonary, co-exist as contemporary literary modes in the
same milieu in the later seventh century, the level of rhyme cannot be used as a
dating criterion with any greater precision than this.
餃癸湹
Alliteration is another feature of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 which is also characteristic of
seventh-century Hiberno-Latin. Alliteration is a structural principle of archaic
Irish verse,
餃癸湺
and thus it is reasonable that Irish writers should retain a feeling
for it even while engaged in experimentation with alien verse-forms in a foreign
language. Hiberno-Latin hymnodists used alliteration at irregular intervals and
without any obvious pattern; for example,
Sancti, uenite
Christi corpus sumite
Sanctum bibentes
Quo redempti, sanguinem.
餃癸湻
This has a primary alliteration on S, and a secondary one on C. No pattern
is established for succeeding stanzas. Alliteration was also used as a decorative
flourish in ornamental passages of prose, such as the opening of the first book of
Adomn谩n鈥檚
Vita S. Columbae
:
Vir itaque uenerandus qualia uirtutum documenta dederit. . .
餃癸湼
The author of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is similar in his usage. A line such as 鈥榬egis regum
rectissimi鈥 (R,
餃
) is used to heighten the aural e
ff
ect of the stanza, but there is no
consistent pattern across the poem as a whole.
Another way in which 鈥楢ltus鈥 resembles seventh-century Hiberno-Latin poems is
that there is no elision. The line 鈥楿bi ignis sulphureus鈥 (N,
餃
) is a clear example of
hiatus. On the other hand, the author sometimes permits the synizesis of adjacent
vowels, so that, for instance, 鈥
mulieres
鈥 becomes a three, not a four-syllabled word.
This is a Late Latin symptom.
餃癸湽
Augustine鈥檚 syllabic
psalmus
requires synizesis
if the number of syllables is to come out right: 鈥
ueniat
鈥 and 鈥
iudicio
鈥 must have
been pronounced 鈥
uenyat
鈥 and 鈥
iudicyo
鈥.
餃憋湴餃
Synizesis in general has been discussed
by Norberg, who noticed it as a characteristic of Insular writings.
餃憋湴餃
A particularly
common contraction is the pronunciation of 鈥
ii
鈥 as 鈥
i
鈥, found in 鈥楢ltus鈥 in 鈥
tripudiis
鈥
(three syllables), and also to be seen in 鈥楶recamur patrem鈥 and the
uersiculi familiae
Benchuir
. The existence of this particular synizesis outside the field of syllabic
餃癸湹
However, extremely elaborate rhyme e
ff
ects, such as C煤-Chuimne of Iona (
ob
.
餃凤湸餃
) displayed in his
鈥楥antemus in omne die鈥 (Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber Hymnorum
i, pp.
餃筹湶
鈥
餃筹湸
) are not found
before the eighth century.
餃癸湺
Carney, 鈥楾hree Old Irish accentual poems鈥,
餃碉湹
; and Watkins, 鈥業ndo-European metrics鈥,
餃诧湵餃
.
餃癸湻
Warren,
The antiphonary
ii,
餃憋湴
.
餃癸湼
Anderson and Anderson,
Vita S. Columbae
, i.
餃
, p.
餃憋湽餃
.
餃癸湽
Raven,
Latin metre
,
餃诧湸
, notes that synizesis only occasionally occurs in Classical poetry, normally in
such contexts as the oblique cases of 鈥榤eus鈥, 鈥榯uus鈥, etc., rather than in principal words.
餃憋湴餃
Vroom,
Le psaume ab茅c茅daire
,
餃诧湴
鈥
餃诧湵
, notes 鈥榤ais surtout le nombre de syniz猫ses est tr猫s grand.
ia
,
io
,
ium
,
ius
, sont presque toujours monosyllabiques鈥. Moreover, so meaningful a word as 鈥
Deus
鈥 may
be treated as a monosyllable or a disyllable, depending on Augustine鈥檚 convenience.
餃憋湴餃
Norberg,
Introduction 脿 la versification
,
餃诧湽
鈥
餃筹湵
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湸餃
poetry is suggested by Hiberno-Latin orthography, which frequently spells 鈥
ii
鈥 as
鈥
i
鈥.
餃憋湴餃
The homiletic quality of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is enhanced by the use of the first person
towards the end of the poem. This is not unique among early Latin hymns written
or used in Ireland: both 鈥楬ymnum dicat鈥 and 鈥楶recamur patrem鈥 switch to the
first person for the last two or three stanzas, as do other Irish hymns. Many of
the surviving hymns of St Ambrose (s. iv) use this device,
餃憋湴餃
but the fifth- and
sixth-century writers Sedulius, Prudentius and Fortunatus do not favour it. The
apparent intention of the use of the first person towards the end of a hymn is to
make its content appear less abstract and more personally significant to its hearers.
Discussion of the style of any work must necessarily be related to its function.
In the case of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, this is far from clear. Western monasticism which
developed the use of the iambic dimeter hymn as part of the monastic O
ffi
ces. A
hymnal, known as the Old Hymnal, was developed between the time of Ambrose
in the fourth century, and of Benedict in the sixth. Benedict prescribes a hymn
(
ambrosianum
) for each of the hours,
餃憋湴餃
and the Gallo-Roman monastic leader Cae-
sarius of Arles similarly recommends hymns for the hours, one of which (鈥楳ediae
noctis tempus est鈥) is in the Antiphonary of Bangor.
餃憋湴餃
We can be sure that hymns
were used in the Irish church, from the sixth century at the latest in the context of
the O
ffi
ce.
餃憋湴餃
I would argue that the Gallican Church also maintained a tradition
of exegetic or polemic hymnody, which may have formed part of the liturgy of the
Mass.
餃憋湴餃
The next question which presents itself is whether 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is in fact a
hymn, and if it is, whether it is associable with any particular liturgical event.
There is no discussion of its purpose in any of the continental manuscripts. Nei-
ther the
Leabhar breac
nor the Irish
Liber hymnorum
assign it to any point in the
liturgical year or the monastic o
ffi
ce, but give the impression that, at least in the
eleventh century and later, it was used for private devotion. Since the Irish
Liber
hymnorum
is an antiquarian rather than a liturgical compilation, it is not neces-
sarily helpful on such issues. It specifies the way in which 鈥楢ltus鈥 was recited, but
not when, nor in what circumstances:
餃憋湴餃
B. L篓ofstedt, 鈥楽ome linguistic remarks on Hiberno-Latin鈥,
Studia Hibernica
餃憋湽
(
餃憋湽餃凤湽
)
餃憋湺餃
鈥
餃讹湽
.
餃憋湴餃
Walpole,
Early Latin hymns
,
餃憋湼
鈥
餃憋湵餃
.
餃憋湴餃
Regula S. Benedicti
,
餃
鈥
餃憋湼
. See H. Gneuss,
Hymnar und Hymnen im englischen Mittelalter
(T篓ubingen
餃憋湽餃讹湼
)
餃憋湷
鈥
餃憋湸
.
餃憋湴餃
Gneuss,
Hymnar und Hymnen
,
餃憋湹
鈥
餃憋湺
; and Warren,
The antiphonary
ii,
餃憋湵
鈥
餃憋湶
.
餃憋湴餃
J. Stevenson, in F. E. Warren,
The liturgy and ritual of the Celtic Church
餃
nd edn. (Woodbridge
餃憋湽餃革湻
),
pp. lxxxiii鈥搇xxxix.
餃憋湴餃
See, so far, my 鈥榁enantius Fortunatus鈥 (above. n.
餃筹湸餃
). Interestingly, one of the early editors of
鈥楢ltus鈥, A. Boucherie, picked up its homiletic qualities in describing it as 鈥榟ymne ab茅c茅daire contre les
antitrinitaires鈥.
餃筹湸餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
let this then be the ordinance for the recitation
huius hymni
, that 鈥
quis potest
Deo
鈥 be recited
餃憋湴餃
between every two
capitula
; and it is thence its grace would
be upon it, for thus they sang it
prius
.
餃憋湴餃
The assertion that this method of singing is the original one cannot be supported
in any way. There is nothing in the content of 鈥楢ltus鈥 to suggest any specific litur-
gical use. It does not celebrate a particular saint, nor can it be readily attached to
any particular festival. Although it is beyond question a work of deep piety and
moral earnestness, its complexity, di
ffi
cult language, and somewhat academic tone
made it, by the later middle ages at least, inappropriate for collective worship, or
even o
ff
putting, as the author of
Betha Colaim Chille
implies 鈥 though it is compa-
rable with other long, complex Gallican and Irish hymns of the fourth to seventh
centuries. The Irish
Liber hymnorum
, and the English manuscript, assign it both
a refrain (the 鈥榪uis potest Deo placere鈥 referred to above) and a collect or doxology,
addenda which normally suggest use in collective worship. The collect, beginning
鈥楧eum patrem ingenitum鈥 is octosyllabic, like the poem, but metrical, which sug-
gests that it is a later composition.
餃憋湵餃
The Orl茅ans manuscript (which of course
does not associate the poem with Ireland at all) follows 鈥楢ltus鈥 with an entirely
di
ff
erent collect, 鈥楢desto Domine鈥, which is not Irish, but quite widely attested in
English and continental sources, and normally associated with the
pedilauium
of
Maundy Thursday.
餃憋湵餃
This last might o
ff
er a possible clue to where 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥
could have been used. The poem鈥檚 focus on creation might fit it for use on
餃诧湹
March, the day which was associated with the Annunciation from the second cen-
tury onwards. This was also the day on which the world was created, according
to a number of patristic writers.
餃憋湵餃
Since Easter moves with the lunar calendar, in
some years, Maundy Thursday would fall on March
餃诧湹
. If 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 were
餃憋湴餃
The word is
gaibid
, a word of many meanings, which include 鈥榮ing鈥, 鈥榗hant鈥, 鈥榬ecite鈥, and 鈥榙eclare鈥.
It does not enable us to decide whether 鈥楢ltus鈥 was sung as a hymn, with a tune, chanted or sung,
with 鈥榪uis potest Deo鈥 as a refrain, in church, like a psalm, or simply recited like a prayer, in or out of
church. Three di
ff
erent methods of psalmody had been developed by the end of the fourth century,
cantus responsorius
, in which a soloist gives the verses and the congregation responds with a refrain,
cantus antiphonus
, in which verses are chanted alternately by two demi-choirs and the refrain by the
whole group, and
cantus directaneus
, in which the congregation simply chants through the whole psalm.
Any of these could be relevant.
餃憋湴餃
Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber hymnorum
ii,
餃诧湺
.
餃憋湵餃
Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber hymnorum
i, p.
餃革湵
, and B. Muir, 鈥楾wo Latin hymns by Colum
Cille鈥,
Revue du Moyen Age Latin
餃筹湽
(
餃憋湽餃革湷
)
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃憋湺
, p.
餃诧湵餃
.
餃憋湵餃
Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber hymnorum
ii, p.
餃憋湺餃
; and Cuissard, 鈥楲a prose de Saint
Columba鈥,
Revue Celtique
餃
(
餃憋湼餃革湶
鈥
餃
)
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃憋湶
, p.
餃诧湵餃
.
餃憋湵餃
The Creation was believed by many Patristic writers, following Jewish traditions, to have occurred
on the vernal equinox. The Palestinian Targums of the first century
餄★潳
state that the night of Passover
is also the night of the Creation, the Covenant with Abraham, the birth of Isaac, the Sacrifice of Isaac,
and the delivery of the Israelites from Egypt, and the coming of messianic salvation. See G. Vermes,
Scripture and tradition
, p.
餃诧湵餃
. Cyprian, writing in
餃诧湸餃
, says that the world was created at the spring
equinox (March
餃诧湹
) (ed. Hartel, CSEL III.
餃
,
餃诧湸餃竑f
). The second-century Hippolytus of Rome is the
first Christian writer to give the dates of Christ鈥檚 birth and death, in his
Commentarium in libro Danielis
IV.
餃诧湷
(December
餃诧湹
, and March
餃诧湹
). Counting back nine months from December, the Annunciation
was traditionally fixed at March
餃诧湹
, a date which the Roman church believed to be that of the vernal
equinox.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湸餃
paired with a Christological hymn (such as 鈥楬ymnum dicat鈥 or 鈥楢 solis ortus car-
dine鈥) it might form part of a March
餃诧湹
service. Alternatively, it could be attracted
into some part of the Easter cyle: either Maundy Thursday (which does not seem,
in itself, especially appropriate) or better, the Easter vigil, with its lengthy lections
from the Old Testament, which locate the cosmic drama in what was understood
as historical time.
The fact that 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 has a refrain and a collect aligns it with Hiberno-
Latin hymns which almost certainly do have a liturgical use. Three of the hymns in
the Antiphonary of Bangor, 鈥楽piritus diuinae lucis鈥, 鈥楻ecordemur iustitiae鈥 and
uer-
siculi familiae Benchuir
have refrains.
餃憋湵餃
There are also two sets of verses appended
to 鈥楢udite omnes鈥 which appear to be collects, and three separate collects 鈥榮uper
hymnus鈥.
A priori
, these accretions to the Antiphonary鈥檚 hymns suggest adaptation
for community worship, and perhaps that the Bangor community favoured the
old-fashioned
responsorius
method,
餃憋湵餃
with the body of the congregation or choir
joining in with the refrain while the verses were sung, or chanted, by the celebrant,
or cantor. Since we have no precise details whatoever of how hymns were used in
seventh-century Ireland, this is all speculation based on analogy.
The
Leabhar breac
text fails to support the idea that 鈥楢ltus鈥 was thought of as a
hymn. Instead, it implies that by the fourteenth century it was used as a protective
prayer.
餃憋湵餃
Recite to seven times the Altus
Which gives no 鈥榣aw鈥 to hard demon;
There is no disease in the world
Nor shower that it will not drive back.
Both the
Liber hymnorum
and
leabhar breac
are centuries too late to provide any
accurate guide to how the original author wished his creation to be used. The best
evidence is in the poem itself. The complexities of vocabulary and style, and the
slow movement of the lines encourage a meditative movement of the mind back
and forth over the content, noting and appreciating parallelisms, such as those
between Moses and God, or Christ and Lucifer. It is intellectually knottier than
other Hiberno-Latin hymns, and provides abundant food for prolonged medita-
tion. It may therefore have been intended as an aid to private devotion for the
contemplatively-minded, though the possibility that it had a liturgical function of
some kind should not be discounted.
餄筹澂餄碉澆餄o潵餄
There are several points in the poem where a specific source can be clearly iden-
tified. The most important, of course, is the Bible; particularly the Apocalypse,
Job and the Pauline Epistles.
餃憋湵餃
While the whole of the Bible is obviously inspired
餃憋湵餃
Warren,
The Antiphonary
ii, pp.
餃憋湶
,
餃憋湺
鈥
餃憋湽
,
餃筹湷
.
餃憋湵餃
Vroom,
Le psaume ab茅c茅daire
, p.
餃诧湸
, states that
cantus responsorius
is the most ancient, and
directaneus
the most recent method of psalmody.
餃憋湵餃
Leabhar breac
, f.
餃诧湷餃
a, quoted in Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber hymnorum
i, p.
餃革湷
. Geib in
Altus co basecht / na dam cert do deman dur / ni s fil galar isin bith / na cith na cuirfe for cul.
餃憋湵餃
The Apocalypse is used in seventeen di
ff
erent places, Job in ten, and the Pauline Epistles in fourteen.
餃筹湸餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
writing, some parts of it may be held to have been more inspired than others: the
author of 鈥楢ltus鈥 leaned particularly on divine
oratio recta
: the speech of God from
the whirlwind in Job
餃筹湼
, and sayings of Jesus recorded in the Gospels such as the
description of Hell as a place of 鈥榝letus et stridor dentium鈥 (Matt.
餃
:
餃憋湶
, and else-
where). The writer was also apparently familiar with the Book of Enoch, the most
nearly canonical of the apocrypha, since it is quoted with approval in the Epis-
tle of Jude (
餃憋湷
鈥
餃憋湸
).
餃憋湵餃
Other works used by him were the Athanasian Creed, the
eighth book of Cassian鈥檚
Conlationes
, the
Commentarium in librum Iob
of Philip
the Presbyter, and Isidore of Seville鈥檚
Etymologiae
. His background reading appears
to have included some major works of Augustine鈥檚, some Jerome, and perhaps Gre-
gory, though not Ambrose. He shows no indications of familiarity with any of the
Latin literature on the six days of Creation, whether Ambrose鈥檚
Hexemeron
, Avitus鈥檚
De initio mundi
, or the
Liber in Genesim
doubtfully attributed to Juvencus.
Cassian is an authority on monasticism whose direct influence on early Irish
monasticism has been much discussed. Columbanus drew on Cassian鈥檚
Conlationes
and
Institutiones
in his
Regula monachorum
. The
Praefatio ad Leontium
to the
Con-
lationes
was drawn on by several Hiberno-Latin writers, including Muirch煤 and
perhaps Cogitosus. The preface was also known to Gildas, whose phrase, 鈥
ingenii
nostra cymbula
鈥 is plainly an elaboration of Cassian鈥檚 鈥
ingenii cumba
鈥.
餃憋湵餃
Cassian was
also drawn on by the creators of Irish ecclesiastical legislation, since his work was
used in the
Collectio canonum Hibernensis
, brought together at the beginning of
the eighth century.
餃憋湵餃
Thus, his work may have been known in Ireland from the
sixth century, though the evidence of Gildas and Columbanus is indirect, since the
first lived and worked in Britain (and possibly later in Brittany) and the second
on the continent, in Frankia and later in Lombard Italy. 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, then,
is probably one of the earliest works to demonstrate conclusively that any part of
Cassian鈥檚 work other than its prefaratory letter was known and used in Ireland. If
we are right in employing Occam鈥檚 razor and associating 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 with Iona,
then it may also be relevant that the Cassianic phrase 鈥
actualis uita
鈥 occurs in the
Vita S. Cuthberti
written at Lindisfarne, founded from Iona, which suggests that
Cassian鈥檚 influence was felt there also.
餃憋湶餃
餃憋湵餃
This is suggested by Stanza O, with its presentation of a subterranean world of imprisoned beings
never to be forgiven: in the Book of Enoch, the Watchers (the sinful stars) ask Enoch to intercede on
their behalf with God. They are imprisoned in 鈥榓 chaotic and terrible place鈥, which however is neither
the hell in which they will be confined after the final judgment, nor the underworld in which the
spirits of the dead are kept (
Enoch
餃憋湸
:
餃
鈥
餃
,
餃诧湵
:
餃
,
餃诧湵
:
餃
, J. H. Charlesworth (ed.),
The Old Testament
pseudepigrapha
(London
餃憋湽餃革湷
)
餃诧湴
and
餃诧湸
). Similarly in 鈥楢ltus鈥, this prison of never-to-be-forgiven
beings is distinct from Hell. There is a surviving fragment of a ninth-century Breton manuscript of a
Latin translation of the Book of Enoch, BL Royal
餃
. E.
餃憋湷
,
ff
.
餃凤湽
v-
餃革湴
r, M. R. James (ed.),
Apocrypha
Anecdota I
, in J. A. Robinson
Texts and studies II
(Cambridge
餃憋湼餃癸湷
); and there is considerable evidence
for contact between Brittany and Ireland in and before the ninth century.
餃憋湵餃
Gildas,
De Excidio
, 搂
餃憋湴餃
, ed. Winterbottom, p.
餃憋湷餃
, Cassian,
Conlationes
, ed. M. Petschenig, CSEL
餃憋湷
(Wien
餃憋湼餃革湺
), p.
餃
. See M. Winterbottom, 鈥榁ariations on a nautical theme鈥,
Hermathena
餃憋湶餃
(
餃憋湽餃凤湺
)
餃碉湹
鈥
餃碉湼
.
餃憋湵餃
F. W. H. Wasserschleben (ed.),
Die irische Kanonensammlung
餃
nd ed., (Leipzig
餃憋湼餃革湹
), p. xviii;
XXXVII.
餃诧湶
d, p.
餃憋湷餃
; and XLVII.
餃
a, p.
餃憋湽餃
.
餃憋湶餃
B. Colgrave (ed.),
Two lives of Saint Cuthbert
(Cambridge
餃憋湽餃达湴
), III.
餃
, p.
餃癸湸
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湸餃
The use of Cassian in 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is highly distinctive: the author para-
phrases extremely closely, but from Book VIII of
Conlationes
only. The earliest
manuscripts of both
Conlationes
and
Institutiones
suggest that both compositions
circulated in sections rather than all together.
餃憋湶餃
An example from Columbanus鈥檚
monastery of Bobbio is the palimpsest Vatican, Cod. Vat. Lat.
餃碉湻餃讹湺
, which orig-
inally contained the first ten books of
Conlationes
.
餃憋湶餃
Books VII and VIII, as
Chadwick has pointed out, are easily separable from the main discourse of the
collection, since they form 鈥榓 little book on demonology鈥.
餃憋湶餃
It may be that the
author of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 had only book VIII, or VII/VIII, at his disposal. Alter-
natively, it may simply be that nothing else in the copy of Cassian available to
him was of interest for his theme. The main content of
Conlationes
is the proper
conduct of the monastic life, anecdotes from the Egyptian desert, and discussions
of the eight deadly sins, their diagnosis, and treatment. The only human beings
mentioned in 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 are Adam, Eve, and Moses: the poem sweeps from
the Creation to the Last Judgment, overleaping the Christian era entirely, so none
of this would have been very helpful. The usefulness of Cassian to our poet lay
in his treatment of the aetiology of pride, in which he incidentally discussed the
fall of Lucifer, and in his general discussion of demonology, a section which, as
Chadwick noted, falls rather outside the general scope of his work.
Stanza G includes the lines
Grassatos primis duobus
seductisque parentibus,
secundo ruit zabulus
cum suis satellitibus,
quorum
horrore uultuum
sonoque uolitantium
consternaretur homines
metu territi, fragiles
non ualentes carnalibus
haec intueri uisibus
. . .(G,
餃
鈥
餃憋湴
)
Cassian wrote of the demons,
aut enim terrore concursus eorum et
horrore uultuum
, in quos se pro
uoluntate sua cum libitum fuerit transformant atque conuertunt, intolerabili
formidine
homines consternarentur intueri
, aut certi nequiores redderentur
exemplis eorum iugibus. . .
餃憋湶餃
The resemblance of thought is clear enough, a vivid expression of the theme that
devils are so horrifying in appearance that people would not be able to bear the
sight of them, but the resemblance of expression is even more striking, as the ital-
icised passages should demonstrate. The poet seems to be in two minds whether
餃憋湶餃
W. O. Chadwick,
John Cassian: a study in primitive monasticism
(Cambridge
餃憋湽餃碉湴
)
餃达湴
.
餃憋湶餃
E. A. Lowe,
Codices Latini antiquiores
餃憋湶
vols., (Oxford
餃憋湽餃筹湸
鈥
餃凤湶
), I.
餃达湸
. Lowe describes it as 鈥榰ncial,
s. viii鈥, of uncertain origin, but presumably Bobbio. It manifests no Irish symptoms.
餃憋湶餃
Chadwick,
John Cassian
餃癸湵
.
餃憋湶餃
Cassian,
Conlationes
, VIII.
餃憋湶
, ed. Petschenig, p.
餃诧湶餃
.
餃筹湹餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
the invisibility of devils is a good thing: if visible, they would terrify mankind,
which would surely be conducive to a disinclination to sin, but on the other hand,
he suggests in H that if they were visible, the example of their shameless evil-doing
would lead mankind to sin even more. The fluctuation of these two thoughts is
also found in Cassian: Stanza H is built up from passages immediately preceding
and following the section already quoted:
Hic sublatus e medio
deiectus est a Domino,
cuius aeris spatium
constipatur
satellitum globo inuisibilium
turbido perduellium,
ne
malis exemplaribus
imbuti
ac sceleribus
nullis umquam tegentibus
saeptis ac parietibus
fornicarentur homines
palam omnium oculis
.
tanta uero spirituum
densitate constipatur aer
iste inter caelum terramque
di
ff
unditur, in quo non quieti otiosique
peruolitant
, ut satis utiliter homanis
aspectibus eos prouidentia diuina subtraxerit . . . aut certi nequiores cotidie
redderentur
exemplis
eorum iugibus
et imitatione uitiati
et per hoc inter
homines et inmundas atque aerias potestates fieret noxia quaedam familiaritas
ac perniciosa coniunctio, qui
haec flagitia quae nunc inter homines admittuntur
uel
parietum saeptis
uel locorum interuallo et quadam uerecundiae confusione
celantur, quae si aperta iugiter uisione conspicerent, ad maiorem furoris
incitarentur insaniam.
餃憋湶餃
It is easy to see that 鈥楢ltus鈥 epitomises Cassian鈥檚 words, keeping the ideas in
the same order. Several lines are near-quotations. Apart from the obvious lift-
ing of phrases by the poet, 鈥榥on quieti otiosique peruolitant鈥 seems connected in
thought with H,
餃
, 鈥榯urbido perduellium鈥. The 鈥榰olitantium鈥 of G,
餃
is also proba-
bly related to this clause. Both the ideas and the vocabulary are following Cassian
with remarkable fidelity 鈥 even including the unusual theme of the breaking-down
of human modesty by the nefarious example of the demons.
Cassian may also be drawn on in Stanza C, which begins 鈥榗aeli de regni
apice
/
stationis angelicae
鈥 (C,
餃
鈥
餃
). This obviously refers to Isaiah
餃憋湸
:
餃憋湶
鈥
餃憋湹
,
餃憋湶餃
a passage
which is quoted by Cassian, who added, 鈥 . . . quos tamen non solos ex illo
beatis-
sime stationis apice
conruisse scriptura conmemorat . . .鈥.
餃憋湶餃
Elsewhere in his works,
Cassian writes
hic namque indutus diuina
claritate
et inter ceteras supernas uirtutes conditoris
largitate
praefulgens
splendorem sapientia et uirtutum pulchritudinem...
餃憋湶餃
餃憋湶餃
Ibid., VIII.
餃憋湶
, p.
餃诧湶餃
鈥
餃
餃憋湶餃
鈥楺uomodo cecidisti de caelo, Lucifer qui mane oriebaris鈥.
餃憋湶餃
Cassian,
Conlationes
, VIII.
餃
, ed. Petschenig, p.
餃诧湶餃
.
餃憋湶餃
Cassian,
Institutiones
, XII.
餃
, ed. Petschenig, p.
餃诧湴餃
. No correspondences with the
Institutiones
have
yet been mentioned, but that book XII may have been known to our writer as well as part of the
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湹餃
This would give the author of 鈥楢ltus鈥 the theme of the devil鈥檚 prelapsarian beauty
he uses in 鈥
claritate praefulgoris
uenustate speciminis鈥 (C,
餃
鈥
餃
), two of his words 鈥
and perhaps also the idea of making a list of properties which belong to the angelic
state. A similar comparison-point is B,
餃
鈥
餃
, 鈥榰ti non esset bonitas / otiosa鈥: Cassian
wrote
ab omnis prouidentia et dispensatione diuina fuerat
otiosus
, ac tamquam non
habens in quos
bonitatis
suae exercerent beneficia solitarius atque ab omni
munificentia alientus fuisse credatur.
餃憋湶餃
The resemblance, again, is very close.
餃憋湷餃
The author鈥檚 most important non-biblical source is the
Commentarium in librum
Iob
of Philip the Presbyter, a disciple of St Jerome, who died in the mid-fifth
century.
餃憋湷餃
This is used in seventeen di
ff
erent places in the text 鈥 as often as the
Apocalypse. In contrast to the way the author used Cassian, his use of Philip draws
on the
Commentarium
as a whole, which he seems to have regarded as a mine of
miscellaneous information. He takes single words, phrases, and ideas from this
source; which is a principal influence on his angelology, his demonology, and most
notably, his information about astronomy and his peculiar theories about the tides.
Philip, now largely forgotten, was an author very popular in Insular circles.
餃憋湷餃
His
master Jerome was held in great reverence by Irish scholars: his high popularity is
evidenced by the
index scriptorum
to any of the volumes of Irish exegesis printed
by Corpus Christianorum. Jerome was the most philologically knowledgeable of
the Latin fathers, and much of his work draws on his knowledge of Hebrew and
his personal acquaintance with the Holy Land. Philip, though he does not seem to
have learned Hebrew, seems to have been a
ff
ected by Jerome鈥檚 concern to impart
practical information rather than simply to allegorise, and his
commentarium
is
Conlationes
is further suggested by the correspondence of A,
餃
鈥
餃
, 鈥榞loria deitatis鈥 with Cassian鈥檚 鈥榙um
enim
gloriam deitatis
arbitrii libertate. . .鈥 (
Institutiones
, XII.
餃
, ed. Petschenig, p.
餃诧湴餃
).
餃憋湶餃
Cassian,
Conlationes
, VIII.
餃
, ed. Petschenig, p.
餃诧湶餃
.
餃憋湷餃
It is even closer to the formula of the fifth-century Gennadius of Marseilles (
Clauis patrum
, ed.
Dekkers, no.
餃癸湹餃
(p.
餃诧湵餃
)), in his
Liber siue di
ffi
nitio ecclesiasticorum dogmatum
, 搂
餃
: 鈥榝acti sunt angeli
et omnes coelestes uirtutes ut non esset otiosa Dei bonitas, sed haberet in quibus bonitatem suam
ostenderet鈥 (C. H. Turner, 鈥楾he
liber ecclesiasticorum dogmatibus
attributed to Gennadius鈥,
Journal of
theological studies
餃
(
餃憋湽餃帮湺
)
餃凤湼
鈥
餃癸湽
, [and
餃
(
餃憋湽餃帮湻
)
餃憋湴餃
鈥
餃憋湸
], p.
餃癸湵
). Gennadius made extensive use of
Cassian, who was of course his most illustrious predecessor in the see of Marseilles (see Chadwick,
John Cassian
,
餃筹湻
), so it is hard to see whether the author of 鈥楢ltus鈥 knew both these passages, or only
one. There is no other apparent use of this work in the poem. The liber may have been available
in Ireland: the manuscript Basel, Universit篓atsbibliothek F. III.
餃憋湹
.
餃
is written in eighth-century Anglo-
Saxon minuscule, but Lowe comments, 鈥榯he
餄澇
opens with the formula 鈥渋n nomine dei uiui鈥, found
elsewhere only in the Irish Orosius, Milan, biblioteca Ambrosiana. D.
餃诧湷
sup (
CLA
III.
餃筹湶餃
), which
suggests that the exemplar may have been Irish鈥 (
CLA
VII.
餃革湸餃
).
餃憋湷餃
Clavis Patrum Latinorum
, no.
餃讹湸餃
, p.
餃憋湸餃
.
餃憋湷餃
He was cited by name by Bede, in his
De temporum ratione
餃
(ed. C. W. Jones [Turnhout
餃憋湽餃凤湻
]
餃诧湼餃
), quoting the very line with the word
dodrans
which forms the basis for the Irish use of the word
鈥 though Bede, unsurprisingly, understood the word correctly as a unit of measurement. There is no
surviving Irish manuscript of Philip, but there is one in Anglo-Saxon minuscule of s. ix med, Oxford,
Bodl.
餃达湶餃
(
CLA
II.
餃诧湷餃
)
餃筹湹餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
full of scraps of useful information on all kinds of topics.
餃憋湷餃
The most spectacular
evidence of the presence of his commentary in sixth- and seventh-century Ireland
is the use of the word
dodrans
to mean 鈥榝lood, spring tide鈥 in Columbanus and
subsequent Insular works including 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 itself, the
Hisperica famina
and Anglo-Latin works that draw on Irish sources. Alan Brown has conclusively
demonstrated that this curious usage derives from a misunderstanding of the very
passage in the
Commentarium
which underlies Stanza I of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥.
餃憋湷餃
His
commentary seems to have been used by the author of 鈥楢ltus鈥 as a source of mis-
cellaneous information, so well known that his wording came half-consciously to
mind. Stanza U is an example of this: Philip refers to Lucifer,
qui per occultas cursus sui metas polum circuiens, post biennium in ipsis
aurorae rutilo dicitur apparere.
餃憋湷餃
鈥楢ltus鈥 refers to
Vesperugo
(Vesper, which is also Lucifer, all names for Venus)
鈥榦riens post biennium / Vesperugo in uesperum鈥 (U,
餃
鈥
餃憋湴
): thus, this is a fact
(wrong, as it happens) taken from Philip. But the stanza begins with Orion, mov-
ing 鈥榩er metas . . . ignoti orientalis circuli鈥 (U,
餃
鈥
餃
), a description which seems to
echo Philip鈥檚 鈥榩er occultas cursus sui metas鈥. The idea of 鈥榗ircling鈥 appears in both,
as well as that of 鈥榰nknown obscurity鈥, and the actual phrase 鈥榩er metas鈥. Such a
transference of material from the description of Venus to that of Orion strengthens
the suspicion that it is the exegesis of Philip which provides the clue to both halves
of the stanza.
餃憋湷餃
Another place where Philip鈥檚
Commentarium
may be relevant is K,
餃
鈥
餃
, 鈥榚cce gigantes gemere sub aquis鈥. Philip commented on the word
gigas
in Job
餃诧湺
:
餃
:
gigantes autem appellat scriptura diuina homines superbos, rebelles et contu-
maces. Diabolus quoque, et sui, propter superbiam translato nomine gigantes
nuncupantur.
餃憋湷餃
The distinguishing characteristic of the
gigantes
is not size, but pride. This cre-
ates a much smoother link between the 鈥榤omentanea regum praesentis gloria鈥 (K,
餃
鈥
餃
) and the giants, by way of misplaced pride and confidence in earthly splendour.
Another author who seems to be important to 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is Isidore. The
use of Isidore is crucial as a dating criterion: Isidore鈥檚 works were in circulation
餃憋湷餃
See M. L. W. Laistner, 鈥楢ntiochene Exegesis in Western Europe during the Middle Ages鈥,
Harvard
Theological Review
餃达湴
(
餃憋湽餃达湻
)
餃憋湽
鈥
餃筹湵
, for a discussion of the various forms of exegetical practice at this
time.
餃憋湷餃
A. K. Brown, 鈥楤ede, a Hisperic Etymology and Early Sea Poetry鈥,
Mediaeval Studies
餃筹湻
(
餃憋湽餃凤湹
)
餃达湵餃
鈥
餃筹湶
,
pp.
餃达湶餃
鈥
餃诧湼
.
餃憋湷餃
Philip,
Commentarium
,
Patrologia Latina
, XXVI.
餃讹湸餃
C.
餃憋湷餃
Also relevant is Job
餃诧湼
:
餃筹湵
鈥
餃
, in which Vesper, the Pleiades, and sometimes Orion (the Vulgate has
Arcturus) appear together, and the time taken by Venus in its travels is emphasised. Orion鈥檚 belt, Venus
and the Pleiades also concatenate in Plautus,
Amphitruo
, l.
餃诧湻餃
(鈥榥ec Iugulae neque Vesperugo neque
Vergiliae occidunt鈥, G. Goetz and F. Schoell [ed.],
Comoediae
i, [Leipzig
餃憋湽餃帮湶
]
餃憋湸
), but this work was
not known in Ireland: the only connexion between an early Irish writer and Plautus鈥檚
Amphitruo
is the
singularly negative one of erasing the play in order to write something else 鈥 in Bobbio, not in Ireland
(L. D. Reynolds [ed.],
Texts and transmission: a survey of the Latin classics
餃
nd edn, [Oxford
餃憋湽餃革湺
]
餃筹湴餃
).
餃憋湷餃
Commentarium, Patrologia latina
XXVI.
餃讹湼餃
B.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湹餃
in the
餃讹湸餃
鈥檚 and subsequently; and thus, if they are relevant to this poem, it is a
product of the seventh century rather than the sixth. Stanza I, on the tides, is one
of the most original sections of the poem, and its sources have been hard to find.
Isidore鈥檚 exposition of the movement of waters about the world in the
Etymologiae
is nearer by far than anyone else鈥檚 to the theory set forth in Stanza I. 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥
does not appear to make any use of
De natura rerum
. In the few instances where
information to be found in
De natura rerum
is also to be found in 鈥楢ltus鈥, it also
appears in
Etymologiae
, and the phrasing of the poem is always closer to that of the
latter work. In one minor instance, the poet does not follow Isidore鈥檚 word-usage:
Sidera uero sunt stellis plurimis facta, ut Hyades, Pleiades. Astra autem stellae
grandes, ut Orion, Bootes. Sed haec nomina scriptores confundunt.
餃憋湷餃
The author of 鈥楢ltus鈥 is one of these errant
scriptores
, since he uses
astra
, not
sidera
, for the Pleiades.
The first area where the author of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 shows the influence of Isidore
is in his angel- and demonology. Isidore鈥檚 views on angels are orthodox, and 鈥楢ltus鈥
does not reproduce any of his turns of phrase, so no dependency can be demon-
strated. However, when 鈥楢ltus鈥 comes to discuss demons, his ideas seem to draw
on Isidore鈥檚 exposition:
Hi corporum aeriorum natura uigent. Ante transgressionem quidem caelestia
corpora gerebant. Lapsi uero in aeriam qualitatem conuersi sunt, nec aeris
illius puriora spatia, sed ista caliginosa tenere permissi sunt, qui eis quasi carcer
est usque ad tempus iudicii.
餃憋湷餃
鈥楢ltus鈥 focuses on the invisibility of demons, their presence in the air and, at the
same time, their imprisoned state.
A much clearer case for dependence on Isidore can be made with respect to
two of the poems most unusual themes: the treatment of tides, sea, winds and
rain, and the use of astronomical information. The sea and its movements were
of enormous interest to Irish scholars from the seventh century onwards,
餃憋湸餃
and
a particular interest of St Columba himself.
餃憋湸餃
The theory of the movement of
water about the world set forth in 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is highly original. Stanzas I,
K and L declare that the clouds draw up water from the three deeper floods of
the ocean, the winds drive this water over the land in whirlwinds, and lay bare
the marshes at the edge of the sea. The clouds are carefully controlled by God,
餃憋湷餃
Isidore,
Etymologiae
, III.lx.
餃
鈥
餃
.
餃憋湷餃
Ibid., VIII.xi.
餃憋湻
.
餃憋湸餃
According to the end of the first section of
Saltair na Rann
, every educated person ought to know
five things about each day: the day of the solar month, the age of the moon, the state of the tide,
the day of the week, and whether it was a saint鈥檚 day (and if so, whose). The scholar is therefore
required to concern himself both with the heavens and the sea: two notable preoccupations of 鈥楢ltus鈥
(E. Hull,
The Poem-book of the Gael
餃憋湴
). See further M. Smyth, 鈥楾he Physical World in Seventh-century
Hiberno-Latin Texts鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湺
)
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃筹湸
.
餃憋湸餃
The
Amra Choluim Chille
is a near-contemporary witness to Columba鈥檚 life and concerns, and it
records his interest in the sea (line
餃筹湼餃
), the course of the moon (line
餃筹湽餃
) and astronomy (line
餃达湴餃
)
(Bernard and Atkinson,
The Irish Liber hymnorum
, text i,
餃憋湻餃
鈥
餃
, transl. ii,
餃讹湼
鈥
餃讹湽
).
餃筹湹餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
so that they gradually let out their water to fertilise the land, thus creating rivers.
There is a circular motion envisaged, in which the clouds move water from sea to
land, impelled by the wind, and the rivers return it to its source. The winds and
clouds are apparently made entirely responsible for the tidal movement of the sea,
though the use of the comparative in 鈥榩rofundiores dodrantes鈥 (this writer does not
use comparatives and superlatives casually) suggests that he is also involving the
abyss of waters beneath the ocean implied in the account of the Flood in the Book
of Genesis, though it is not at all clear how this fits in with the rest of his theory.
The seeds of this original idea are to be found scattered among the writings of
Isidore. The most important passage is in
Etymologiae
:
Ideo autem mare incrementum non capere, cum omnia flumina, omnes fontes
recipiat, haec causa est: partim quod influentes undas ipsa magnitudo eius
non sentiat: deinde, quod amara aqua dulce fluentum consumat; uel
quod
ipsae nubes multum aquarum ad se attrahant, siue quod partim auferant uenti
,
partim sol exsiccet; postremum, quod per occulta quaedam terrae foramina
percolatus, et ad caput amnium fontesque reuolutus recurrat.
餃憋湸餃
Isidore also discusses the sucking up of water into the sky, again in
Etymologiae
:
Pluuiae dictae quod fluant, quasi fluuiae, nascuntur enim de terrae et maris
anhelitu. Quae cum altius eleuatae fuerint, aut solis calore resolutae, aut ui
uentorum conpressae, stillantur in terris.
餃憋湸餃
The oceanic tides are related in the
Etymologiae
to the winds:
[Oceanus] iste est qui oras terrarum amplectitur, alternisque aestibus accedit
atque recedit; respirantibus enim in profundum uentis aut reuomit maria, aut
resorbet.
餃憋湸餃
The most economical explanation of the idea in 鈥楢ltus鈥, then, is that the author
considered these passages, and took from them what he wished, creating a theory
unique to himself but composed of Isidorean elements.
The other area where Isidorean influence may be seen on 鈥楢ltus鈥 is with the astro-
nomical data of Stanza U. It is very hard to say what astronomical texts other
than the
Etymologiae
might have been available in seventh-century Ireland.
餃憋湸餃
The
餃憋湸餃
Etymologiae
, XIII.xiv.
餃
.
餃憋湸餃
Ibid., XIII.x.
餃
.
餃憋湸餃
Ibid., XIII.xv.
餃
.
餃憋湸餃
Texts deriving from Aratus represent the principal medieval Latin source for Greek astronomy. Their
history between the Late Antique and Carolingian periods is entirely obscure. The same is true of the
astronomica of Hyginus. See Reynolds (ed.),
Texts and transmission
,
餃憋湼
鈥
餃诧湸
and
餃憋湼餃
鈥
餃革湽
. Both were
known, at least by name, to Isidore himself (
De natura rerum
XVII.
餃
, (ed. F. Ar茅valo,
Opera omnia
[Rome
餃憋湻餃癸湻
鈥
餃憋湼餃帮湷
] vii), p.
餃诧湼
. Another possible source of astronomical information for seventh-century
Ireland is suggested by a computistical manuscript, Wien, Nationalbibliothek lat.
餃憋湹餃诧湺餃
+ ser. nov.
餃筹湻
(Caroline minuscule, s. viii ex) containing geographic and astronomical information from Macrobius鈥檚
Saturnalia
, Solinus, and Gregory of Tours鈥檚
De cursu stellarum
, written at Salzburg, where the Irish
Vergil was bishop in the later eighth century, and apparently copied from an Irish exemplar (CLA
X.
餃憋湹餃憋湴
). But there is no direct indication of the use of any of these writers in 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湹餃
author of 鈥楢ltus鈥 informs us that Orion makes a circle, leaving the Pleiades (which
he refers to as the Vergiliae) behind, disappears for a time, and returns to its accus-
tomed place. Vesper also takes two years to return to its original position. Leaving
Vesper aside, in my view the two constellations are used to indicate the circle of
the year. Orion is, according to the
Etymologiae
, a winter group:
tempore autem hiemis, obortus mare et terras aquis ac tempestatibus turbat.
餃憋湸餃
Similarly, Isidore states that the Pleiades are a spring constellation.
Has Latini
Vergilias
dicunt a temporis significatione, quod est uer, quando
exoriuntur. Nam occasu suo hiemem, ortu aestatem, primaeque nauigationis
tempus ostendunt.
餃憋湸餃
The point of the stanza appears to be that although the movements of the stars
are secret and mysterious, the return of a star can be looked for with confidence
at the appropriate season, which makes it an appropriate image for the Second
Coming of Christ. The information on the synodic time of Venus (Vesper) in this
stanza does not derive from Isidore, but from Philip the Presbyter.
餃憋湸餃
However,
Isidore, but not Philip, noted that 鈥榝ertur autem haec stella oriens luciferum, occi-
dens uesperum facit鈥.
餃憋湸餃
Since the poet used Lucifer as an expression for Satan in
Stanza C, there is probably a deliberate antithesis based on this knowledge.
It is well known that Isidore was much used in Ireland.
餃憋湹餃
His work is a main
source for the
Hisperica famina
and other works connected with them.
餃憋湹餃
The
Etymologiae
were once known in Ireland as the
culmen
, a title which demonstrates
the honour in which they were held.
餃憋湹餃
The book reached Ireland surprisingly
quickly after its publication, to judge by the writers who use it, and the survival
of a fragment in Irish script, pssibly written on the Continent, which is one of the
earliest Irish manuscripts.
餃憋湹餃
餃憋湸餃
Etymologiae
, III.lxxi.
餃憋湴
.
餃憋湸餃
Ibid., III.lxxi.
餃憋湷
餃憋湸餃
Discussion of Job
餃筹湼
:
餃筹湶
,
Commentarium
,
Patrologia latina
XXVI.
餃凤湺餃
C. The synodic period of Venus
is in fact
餃碉湼餃
days. Lucifer is a type of Christ in the hymn 鈥楧eus qui caeli lumen es鈥, discussed above,
n.
餃讹湷
.
餃憋湸餃
Etymologiae
, III.lxxi.
餃憋湽
.
餃憋湹餃
See B. Bischo
ff
, 鈥楧ie europ盲ische Verbreitung der Werke Isidors鈥, in
Mittelalterliche Studien: Aus-
gew盲hlte Aufs盲tze zur Schriftkunde und Literatur
(
餃
vols, Stuttgart,
餃憋湽餃讹湺
鈥
餃革湵
) I,
餃憋湻餃
鈥
餃癸湸
; J. N. Hillgarth,
鈥榁isigothic Spain and Early Christian Ireland鈥,
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy
餃讹湶
C (
餃憋湽餃讹湶
)
餃憋湺餃
鈥
餃癸湸
and 鈥業reland and Spain in the seventh century鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湸
),
餃
鈥
餃憋湺
; and M. Herren, 鈥極n the earliest
Irish acquaintance with Isidore of Seville鈥 in
Visigothic Spain: new approaches
, ed. E. James (Oxford,
餃憋湽餃革湴
), pp.
餃诧湸餃
鈥
餃碉湴
.
餃憋湹餃
M. W. Herren,
Hisperica famina I: The A-text
(Toronto,
餃憋湽餃凤湸
), pp.
餃诧湴
鈥
餃诧湶
.
餃憋湹餃
T. 麓
O M谩ille, 鈥楾he authorship of the
Culmen
鈥
脡riu
餃
(
餃憋湽餃诧湵
鈥
餃诧湷
),
餃凤湵
鈥
餃凤湺
, and see also T. F. O鈥橰ahilly,
鈥楢 note on the
Culmen
鈥,
脡riu
餃憋湴
(
餃憋湽餃诧湺
),
餃憋湴餃
.
餃憋湹餃
A. Dold,
Neue St Galler vorhieronymianische Propheten-Fragmente
, Texte und Arbeiten
餃
, Abteilung
餃筹湵
(Beuron,
餃憋湽餃达湴
), pp.
餃革湽
鈥
餃癸湸
, prints the earliest surviving fragment of the
Etymologiae
, written in
Irish minuscule, Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek
餃憋湷餃癸湽
a
餃
(
CLA
VII,
餃癸湽餃
). This is as likely to have been
written in an Irish centre on the Continent as in Ireland itself. See further Bischo
ff
, 鈥楧ie europ篓aische
Verbreitung der Werke Isidors鈥, and T. J. Brown, 鈥楾he oldest Irish manuscripts and their late antique
background鈥, in P. N铆 Chath谩in and M. Richter (ed.),
Ireland and Europe: the early church
(Stuttgart
餃憋湽餃革湸
)
餃筹湵餃
鈥
餃诧湻
, pp.
餃筹湵餃
鈥
餃
.
餃筹湹餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
The last of the sources of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 which is indisputable is the
historiae
of the so-called Hegesippus, from which the author has borrowed several words in
Stanza K, discussed earlier. No other evidence of knowledge of this work is visible
in 鈥楢ltus鈥, but the dramatic description of the rough waters at the mouth of the
Nile must have appealed to the author鈥檚 manifest interest in the dramatic evocation
of natural phenomena, particularly watery phenomena. The same passage is used
by Adomn谩n, and was thus evidently available in the library of seventh-century
Iona.
餃憋湹餃
There is a further group of writers with whom our author almost certainly had
some familiarity, though this is not demonstrable by precise verbal parallels in
specific passages of the poem. The most important of these is Augustine. There
are several points in the poem where Augustine鈥檚 thought seems to have exerted
a general influence without impelling the poet to direct quotation: in particular,
he seems to draw on Augustine鈥檚 analysis of the devil鈥檚 double sin of envy and
pride in Stanza G.
餃憋湹餃
The two works which appear to be the most significant for
鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 are
De ciuitate Dei
and
De Genesi ad litteram
. The latter provides
a supplement to Cassian鈥檚
Conlationes
VIII on demonology: in particular, there
are two passages in Bk XI of
De Genesi ad litteram
which discuss the nature of the
devil. Some comments on demons, for instance on their airy dwelling-place, in
De
ciuitate Dei
, also confirm Cassian鈥檚 remarks and thus may be seen as supplementary
sources. Augustine had an interest in natural science, and makes a number of
parenthetic remarks about the rain, tides, the sea, and other subjects of interest
to the author of 鈥楢ltus鈥, but unlike Isidore, he does not formulate a theory of
their interrelations which could have been of direct help. But Augustine鈥檚 example
provides a justification for combining information about spiritual and physical
matters in the same work.
De Genesi ad litteram
is known to have been available
in seventh-century Ireland. An epitome of it, called the
Exhymeron
, was created,
possibly in Ireland, before the end of the century.
餃憋湹餃
One of the stranger things about 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is the failure to draw on cer-
tain sources which to a modern reader appear obvious, and which are likely to
have been available to him. There is no unambiguous use of Gregory the Great鈥檚
Moralia in Iob
, even though the book of Job is one of the poet鈥檚 most important
Biblical sources, and the
Moralia
were available in Ireland from an early date.
餃憋湹餃
For whatever reason, the poet seems to have valued Philip far above Gregory as
a guide to the intricacies of Job. There is no sign that he knew Ambrose鈥檚
Hexe-
meron
, with its wealth of cosmological information, which may have been known
to the seventh-century Irish author of
De ordine creaturarum
.
餃憋湹餃
餃憋湹餃
L. Bieler, 鈥楢damnan und Hegesipp鈥,
Wiener Studien
餃讹湽
(
餃憋湽餃碉湺
),
餃筹湸餃
鈥
餃
, and see Adomn谩n,
De locis
sanctis
, (ed. Meehan [and Bieler]), pp.
餃憋湺
鈥
餃憋湼
.
餃憋湹餃
Augustine,
De Genesi ad litteram
, (ed. J. Zycha,
CSEL
餃诧湼
[Vienna
餃憋湼餃癸湸
] II.
餃憋湸
), p.
餃筹湸餃
.
餃憋湹餃
M. Gorman, 鈥楢n unedited fragment of an Irish epitome of Augustine鈥檚
De genesi ad litteram鈥
,
Revue
des 茅tudes Augustiniennes
餃诧湼
(
餃憋湽餃革湶
)
餃凤湺
鈥
餃革湹
; and also his 鈥楾he oldest manuscripts of St Augustine鈥檚
De
Genesi ad litteram鈥
,
Revue B茅n茅dictine
餃癸湴
(
餃憋湽餃革湴
)
餃
鈥
餃达湽
, particularly pp.
餃达湺
鈥
餃达湻
. It should be said that
there is no direct proof that the
Exhymeron
is Irish in origin.
餃憋湹餃
The Munster exegete Laidcenn mac Baith, who died in
餃讹湺餃
, wrote an abridgement, the
Egloga de
Moralibus Iob
, (ed. M. Adriaen,
CCSL
餃憋湸餃
[Turnhout
餃憋湽餃讹湽
]).
餃憋湹餃
See the edition of M. C. D铆az y D铆az (Santiago de Compostela
餃憋湽餃凤湶
), notes pp.
餃憋湴餃
,
餃憋湸餃
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湹餃
Another very strange omission from the poet鈥檚 sources is Jerome, so admired in
Irish circles. His particular appeal to the Irish was as a source for the other two of
the 鈥榯res linguae sacrae鈥, since his writings are liberally spinkled with the Greek and
Hebrew equivalents to Latin words.
餃憋湹餃
There is one possible instance in the poem of
the author鈥檚 using philological information derived from Jerome, his explanation
of the word
poliandria
in his commentary on Ezekiel.
餃憋湺餃
鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 contains
very few grecisms, and its only real hebraism is the inexplicable
iduma
, which I
have not managed to find anywhere in the works of Jerome or in any other source.
餄达潹餄 餄潯餄达潵餄 餄潻餄筹澊餄澆餄 餄潶
鈥
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
鈥
One important starting-point for a poem so often described as 鈥榟isperic鈥 is the
relationship between it and the
Hisperica famina
: there is a connexion, certainly,
but which is indebted to which? The tendencies of Hiberno-Latin style in the
sixth and seventh centuries have already been discussed: intentionally rhetorical
writing is characterised by recondite vocabulary, hyperbaton and sometimes, com-
plex sentence structures. The relationship between the vocabulary and syntax of
the
Famina
and 鈥楢ltus鈥 has also already been discussed, and found to be minimal.
There is some resemblance of subject matter: both show a marked interest in the
physical world, astronomy and the sea in particular. This they share with other
seventh-century Hiberno-Latin writers.
Neil Wright has demonstrated that the
modus operandi
of the faminators was
to take concepts and an occasional word or phrase from their source-texts and to
recast them in hisperic diction.
餃憋湺餃
If we bear this principle in mind, we have some
reason to suspect a direct relationship between the A-Text and 鈥楢ltus鈥. The 鈥榣ex
diei鈥 section contains the following lines
titaneus occiduum rutilat arotus
pontum
roseos imam curuat radios sub
speram . . .
fulgoria
pliadum uariant
spicula
horanum
餃憋湺餃
In 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 we find the word
pontia
, and a similar suggestion that the
world is curved or round in U,
餃
鈥
餃
per metas thetis ignoti
orientalis circuli.
In Stanza Q,
餃
鈥
餃
,
餃憋湹餃
B. Bischo
ff
, 鈥楧as griechische Element in der abendl篓andischen Bildung des Mittelalters鈥,
Mittelalter-
liche Studien
II,
餃诧湸餃
鈥
餃凤湹
, p.
餃诧湸餃
. See also R. E. McNally, 鈥楾he 鈥淭res linguae sacrae鈥 in early Irish biblical
exegesis鈥,
Theological Studies
餃憋湽
(
餃憋湽餃碉湼
)
餃筹湻餃
鈥
餃达湴餃
.
餃憋湺餃
The word
Polyandrion
is used in the Septuagint version of Ezek.
餃筹湽
:
餃憋湵
, and also in the Vetus Latina
version used by Ambrose (P. Sabatier [ed.],
Bibliorum sacrorum uersiones antiquae
,
餃
vols [Rhiems
餃憋湻餃达湷
],
ii, p.
餃革湷餃
). It is explained in Jerome鈥檚
commentaria in Ezechielem
XI.
餃筹湽
,
Patrologia latina
XXV.
餃憋湹
鈥
餃达湽餃
,
col.
餃筹湺餃
. The first six books of this commentary were known to Columbanus, on his own showing in
Epistola
I, written to Gregory the Great around the year
餃讹湴餃
(Walker,
Opera
,
餃憋湴
). It is thus possible
that this work was available in seventh-century Ireland.
餃憋湺餃
N. Wright, 鈥楾he
Hisperica famina
and Caelius Sedulius鈥,
Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湶
)
餃碉湵
鈥
餃凤湺
.
餃憋湺餃
A-Text, lines
餃筹湴餃
鈥
餃
,
餃筹湴餃
, ed. Herren, p.
餃诧湼餃
.
餃筹湹餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
quis quoque uidit
fulgura
in gyro coruscantia,
quis lampades et
iacula
recalls the A-Text鈥檚
fulgoria
. . .
spicula
above. The Pleiades appeared in this passage:
they are one of several constellations named by the
Hisperica famina
, together with
Orion, the Hyades, Bootes and the Triones. The Pleiades and Orion are, of course,
found together in 鈥楢ltus鈥.
Orion
means the constellation in 鈥楢ltus鈥, but has typically
been generalised to mean 鈥榮tar鈥 in the
Hisperica famina
.
餃憋湺餃
Other similarities of
phrase include
uasta mole
in the A-Text, line
餃筹湺餃
, and
immensae molis
in F,
餃
,
and the description of sun and moon as
gemellos arotos
in the A-Text,
餃筹湺餃
, and
luminaribus duobus
in X,
餃
鈥
餃
. The word
metae
for the tracks of the stars is used
in both:
titaneus diurnas rutilat
orion metas
(A-Text,
餃筹湺餃
)
Orion . . .
per
metas
thetis ignoti (U,
餃
; U,
餃
).
Girus
appears both in A-Text, line
餃筹湻餃
and in Stanza Q,
餃
. These parallels give
an impression that the faminators might be paraphrasing from 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥,
using a more a
ff
ected vocabulary, with an occasional takeover of actual words and
expressions.
Three possibilities present themselves. The first is that the faminators and the
author of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 worked in the same milieu, and that their ideas on phys-
ical geography were separately derived from some other work now lost or as yet
unidentified. The second is that 鈥楢ltus鈥 is one of the sources for the
Hisperica
famina
, and the third that the relationship is reversed. The second seems the
most likely: 鈥楢ltus鈥 is so much more coherent and intellectually original than any
of the
famina
, and the correspondences in expression between the two militate
against the first hypothesis. Since both seem on internal evidence to be written
after the publication of Isidore鈥檚 works and before those of Aldhelm, they must
be nearly contemporary. There are many indications, for example the preface to
De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae
, that communications between centres of learning
were lively and sometimes quite swift in seventh-century Ireland. There is reason
to believe that hisperic writing was known and cultivated at Bangor in the seventh
century, and that Bangor and Iona were on friendly terms.
餃憋湺餃
Another place where traces of a knowledge of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 may be found is
in Latin-Latin glossaries of English origin. 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 鈥檚 debt to certain pre-
existing glossaries, 鈥楢bstrusa鈥, 鈥楢bolita鈥 and 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥, has already been discussed.
餃憋湺餃
Jerome鈥檚
Commentarium in Isaiam libri octo et decem
V,
餃
,
Patrologia latina
XXIV.
餃
鈥
餃讹湻餃
, col
餃憋湹餃
,
may be relevant here: 鈥榰erbum Hebraicum CHISILE LXX
Oriona
transtulerunt. Hebraeus, quo ego
praeceptore usus sum, Arcturum interpretatus est. Nos generaliter, sequentes Symmachum, stellam
[al. stellas] diximus鈥. Orion thus gives the impression of being synonymous with
stella
, which may be
why both the
Hisperica famina
and the Old Irish treatise on the Psalter use the name in this way (P.
麓
O N茅ill, 鈥楾he Old-Irish Treatise on the Psalter鈥,
脡riu
餃筹湴
(
餃憋湽餃凤湽
)
餃憋湸餃
鈥
餃讹湸
, p.
餃憋湹餃
).
餃憋湺餃
See above, p.
餃筹湷餃
, n.
餃讹湺
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湹餃
The glossaries which show traces of borrowing from the poem are the group con-
nected with seventh-century Canterbury, Epinal, Erfurt, Corpus and Erfurt
餃
,
餃憋湺餃
and the much later Harley Glossary.
餃憋湺餃
The earliest of these is the Epinal glossary,
recently argued by Julian Brown to have been copied in Mercia at the end of the
seventh century, so it is therefore the most important for dating and localising
鈥楢ltus鈥.
餃憋湺餃
The first Erfurt glossary is a slightly shorter version of Epinal: the two
derive from a common exemplar. Both are glossed in Latin with occasional glosses
in Old English. The source of the common ancestor of these glossaries appears to
be Canterbury.
餃憋湺餃
There are not very many words in common between 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 and this
group of Anglo-Saxon glossaries. Lindsay pertinently comments that
iduma
,
clearly the most outlandish word in 鈥楢ltus鈥 should logically be the most likely to
be glossed, and it is therfore strange that we do not find it. But there is a group of
words, some relatively rare, common to Epinal-Erfurt, Corpus and 鈥楢ltus鈥 which
merits consideration.
餃憋湺餃
Altum: mare uel caelum (
餃筹湸餃
.
餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 A,
餃
)
餃憋湻餃
Coenodoxia: uana gloria (
餃筹湸餃
.
餃达湷
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 C,
餃
)
餃憋湻餃
Crefrat: siftid (
餃筹湹餃
.
餃憋湵
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 L,
餃
)
餃憋湻餃
Dodrans: aegur (
餃筹湹餃
.
餃讹湵
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 I,
餃
)
餃憋湻餃
餃憋湺餃
Three of the above are printed in B. Bischo
ff
et al (ed.),
The Epinal, Erfurt, Werden and Corpus
Glossaries
, Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile
餃诧湶
(Copenhagen
餃憋湽餃革湼
). Both Erfurt glossaries are
printed in full in Goetz (ed.),
Corpus glossariorum Latinorum
, V,
餃筹湷餃
鈥
餃达湴餃
and
餃诧湹餃
鈥
餃筹湷餃
. There is an
earlier facsimile edition of Epinal by H. Sweet (ed.),
The Epinal glossary
(London
餃憋湼餃革湷
); and editions
of the Corpus glossary by J. H. Hessels (ed.),
An eighth-century glossary
and W. M. Lindsay (ed.),
The corpus glossary
. The principal sources for this group of glossaries were set out by K. W. Gruber,
Die Hauptquellen des Corpus-Epinaler und Erfurter Glossares
. The most important source by far is
Jerome (p.
餃讹湶
鈥
餃癸湹
), but others, in order of importance, are the Vulgate (pp.
餃憋湽
鈥
餃碉湴
), canons, councils
and decretals (pp.
餃碉湸
鈥
餃碉湽
), the
Regula S. Benedicti
(pp.
餃讹湴
鈥
餃讹湵
), and the
Vita S. Eugeniae
(pp.
餃讹湵
鈥
餃讹湶
).
餃憋湺餃
London, British Library Harley
餃筹湷餃凤湺
, a late tenth- or eleventh-century fragment (A-I) of a glossary
which must originally have been very large, ed. R. T. Oliphant,
The Harley Latin-Old English glossary,
edited from B. L.
餄澇
Harley
餃筹湷餃凤湺
(Den Haag
餃憋湽餃讹湺
). It contains material from Epinal-Erfurt and Corpus,
but also makes unequivocal independent use of 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 (see C.
餃凤湴餃
,
ceruleis turbinibus
, and
D.
餃达湴餃
,
dealibus
), first pointed out by O. B. Schlutter, 鈥楲exical and glossographic notes, I鈥,
Modern
Language Notes
餃憋湹
(
餃憋湽餃帮湴
)
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃憋湵
, p.
餃诧湵餃
.
餃憋湺餃
T. J. Brown, 鈥楾he Irish element in the Insular system of scripts to circa A.D.
餃革湹餃
鈥,
Die Iren und
Europa im fr篓uheren Mittelalter
, (ed. H. L篓owe,
餃
vols [Stuttgart
餃憋湽餃革湶
]), i, pp.
餃憋湴餃
鈥
餃憋湽
, p.
餃憋湴餃
, n.
餃憋湶
.
餃憋湺餃
H. Bradley, 鈥楻emarks on the Corpus Glossary鈥,
Classical Quarterly
餃憋湷
(
餃憋湽餃憋湽
)
餃革湽
鈥
餃憋湴餃
, pp.
餃憋湴餃
鈥
餃
sug-
gested that the archetype might have derived from Aldhelm鈥檚 school at Malmesbury: Aldhelm, however,
received part of his education in the school of Theodore and Hadrian and maintained contact with
Hadrian, so the accuracy of the Aldhelmian glosses is just as explicable if the archetype was created
at Canterbury. Lapidge, 鈥楾he school of Theodore and Hadrian鈥, p.
餃碉湼
, discusses the relationship of
the various witnesses to the Canterbury
glossae collectae
and the reasons for connecting them with the
school of Theodore and Hadrian.
餃憋湺餃
My examples are taken from Goetz鈥檚 edition of the first Erfurt glossary in
Corpus glossariorum Lati-
norum
V.
餃筹湷餃
鈥
餃达湴餃
, which prints Epinal variants as footnotes, identified by his page- and line-numbers.
Variants from the Corpus glossary are taken from Lindsay鈥檚 edition and follow his numbering, which
takes the initial letter of the lemma, rather than the page, as their unit.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
A.
餃达湻餃
.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
C.
餃诧湻餃
.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
C.
餃革湻餃
.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
D.
餃筹湸餃
.
餃筹湺餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
Ergastula: ubi damnati aut marmora secant aut aliquid operentur (
餃筹湹餃
.
餃碉湶
) (鈥楢ltus鈥
G,
餃憋湶
)
餃憋湻餃
Gigans: terrigena (
餃筹湺餃
.
餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 K,
餃
)
餃憋湻餃
Hymnus: laus carminum (
餃筹湺餃
.
餃碉湷
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 Y,
餃
)
餃憋湻餃
Metas: terminos (
餃筹湻餃
.
餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 U,
餃
)
Prosator: genitor (
餃筹湼餃
.
餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 A,
餃
)
餃憋湻餃
Peditemptim (sic): paulatim (
餃筹湼餃
.
餃筹湵
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 L,
餃
)
餃憋湻餃
Scilla: pars erena (
餃筹湽餃
.
餃诧湹
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 K,
餃憋湵
)
餃憋湻餃
Thetis: aquis (
餃筹湽餃
.
餃诧湽
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 U,
餃
)
餃憋湼餃
Tripudiante: exultantes (
餃筹湽餃
.
餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 Y,
餃
)
餃憋湼餃
Turbinae: rota uentorum (
餃筹湽餃
.
餃诧湻
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 I,
餃
)
餃憋湼餃
Vernans: laetans (
餃达湴餃
.
餃筹湹
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 Y,
餃
)
餃憋湼餃
For some of these, of course, there are many possible sources; but
dodrans
, with
its gloss, very strongly suggests a Hiberno-Latin source, as indeed does
thetis
.
Prosator
also, though attested in patristic Latin, is far from being a common word.
Some additional glosses and lemmas in Corpus, which derives independently from
the Canterbury archetype, may also be relevant.
Barat[h]rum: sepulchrum (B.
餃筹湽
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 D,
餃
)
Brumalia: rosina pluuia (B.
餃憋湽餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 I,
餃
)
Charybdis: forago [sic] in mare (C.
餃筹湻餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 K,
餃
)
Edax: com[m]edens (E.
餃筹湸
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 N,
餃
)
Furibundus: ualde iratus (F.
餃达湶餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 Z,
餃
)
Oceanum: mare, qui circumdat omnem terram (O.
餃憋湶餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 I,
餃
)
Orion: eburthring (O.
餃诧湹餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 U,
餃憋湴
)
Protopla[u]stum: primus figuratum (P.
餃碉湼餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 E,
餃憋湶
)
Vesperugo: stella uesperi (V.
餃憋湷餃
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 U,
餃憋湴
)
Vexilla: seign (V.
餃革湹
) (鈥楢ltus鈥 X,
餃
)
The important words common to all three glossaries are
cenodoxia
,
dodrans
,
ergastula
,
prosator
,
scilla
,
thetis
and
uernans
, su
ffi
ciently unusual collectively to
suggest that the Hiberno-Latin work which contributed to the formation of the
archetype was 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥. All these important words are in the nominative.
The glossaries are not consistent in their practice, but the case for any one word is
strengthened if it is either normalised to the nominative or is in the same case as
the putative source text. The gloss
laetans
on
uernans
is particularly significant in
justifying 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 as a source, since it is an unusual meaning for the word,
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
E.
餃诧湻餃
.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
G.
餃癸湴
.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
H.
餃憋湺餃
.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
P.
餃讹湺餃
.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
P.
餃筹湸餃
.
餃憋湻餃
Corpus
S.
餃憋湺餃
.
餃憋湼餃
Corpus
T.
餃凤湹
.
餃憋湼餃
Corpus
T.
餃诧湺餃
.
餃憋湼餃
Corpus
T.
餃筹湷餃
.
餃憋湼餃
Corpus
V.
餃憋湶餃
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湺餃
and the only one which will fit the context in the poem. Of the lemmas and glosses
found only in Corpus, the most striking is
brumalia
, which is not found outside
the Canterbury-group glossaries and 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥.
Two of the rarest words in this list,
prosator
and
dodrans
, are used by Aldhelm,
who received part of his education at Canterbury. The word
dodrans
in the sense
of 鈥榯ide鈥 could only have reached him from a Hiberno-Latin text, whether at first
or second hand.
餃憋湼餃
It is hard to establish the extent of Aldhelm鈥檚 acquaintance with Hiberno-Latin
culture. He had some acquaintance with the works of Virgilius Maro Gram-
maticus, and traces in his turns of phrase suggest that he had read the
Lorica
of Laidcenn, and some of the
Hisperica famina
. He may have known
De ordine
creaturarum
.
餃憋湼餃
Did he also know 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥?
It is perfectly possible that he could have done. It is clear that there was a great
deal of movement and interaction between scholars and churchmen of the two
countries in the sixth and seventh centuries. Many Englishmen, including two
of Aldhelm鈥檚 pupils, studied in Ireland,
餃憋湼餃
and many Irishmen lived and worked in
England.
餃憋湼餃
Aldhelm鈥檚 remonstrations with Heahfrith suggest that students mainly
went from England to Ireland in search of instruction, not vice versa 鈥 unsurpris-
ingly, since later-seventh-century Canterbury under Theodore and Hadrian was
the first intellectually considerable school in the entire Anglo-Saxon polity.
The naturalness of cross-cultural scholarly contact in the British Isles can be
emphasised by noting that not all communication between English and Irish took
place through the medium of Latin. King Oswiu is known to have spoken Irish,
餃憋湼餃
and so, doubtless, did his son Aldfrith.
餃憋湼餃
The sons of 脝thelfrith and their follow-
ers may also have learned Irish, and King Oswald certainly did. The impression
given by casual remarks in the works of Bede and other early sources is that it was
not at all unusual for individuals to be competent in two vernaculars, and that
many people, not only clerics (who would also have learned Latin) but also exiled
餃憋湼餃
Another word which links Aldhelm with both the
Hisperica famina
and Adomn谩n is
ansportare
,
a variation of
asportare
used by these three writers (Grosjean, 鈥
Confusa caligo
鈥,
餃碉湶
) and in the Epinal
glossary (A
餃碉湽餃
).
餃憋湼餃
M. Diaz y Diaz argued that he did, in his edition of
De ordine creaturarum
,
餃筹湻
.
餃憋湼餃
R. Ehwald (ed.),
Aldhelmi opera
, Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Auctores Antiquissimi
餃憋湹
(Berlin
餃憋湽餃憋湷
鈥
餃憋湽
):
Epistola ad Ehfridum
), pp.
餃达湼餃
鈥
餃癸湸
, and
Epistola ad Wihtfridum
, pp.
餃达湻餃
鈥
餃革湴
. For a more
general view of the English presence in seventh-century Ireland, see Bede,
Historia ecclesiastica
III.
餃诧湻
,
p.
餃筹湵餃
. Perhaps the earliest such emigrants on record (aside from political exiles) are the Pilu saxo and
Genereus saxo at Iona in Columba鈥檚 time (Anderson and Anderson,
Vita S. Columbae
III.
餃诧湶
and III.
餃憋湴
,
pp.
餃碉湵餃
and
餃达湼餃
).
餃憋湼餃
Those named by Bede include the well known Fursa and Dicuill, and also, C. A. Ireland suggests,
Boisil (鈥楤oisil: an Irishman hidden in the works of Bede鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湺
)
餃达湴餃
-
餃帮湷
). An eighth-century
master scribe called Ult谩n working in England is mentioned in 脝thelwulf 鈥檚
De abbatibus
, (ed. A.
Campbell, (Oxford
餃憋湽餃讹湻
), lines
餃诧湴餃
鈥
餃憋湴
).
餃憋湼餃
Bede,
Historia ecclesiastica
III.
餃诧湹
, p.
餃诧湽餃
: 鈥榠llorum etiam lingua optime imbutus鈥. See also H. Moisl,
鈥楾he Bernician royal dynasty and the Irish鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湷
)
餃憋湴餃
鈥
餃诧湺
.
餃憋湼餃
Furthermore, the implication of Herren鈥檚 arguments about the
Hisperica famina
is that they were
written by Anglo-Saxons or other foreigners resident in Ireland, not by Irishmen at all (
Hisperica famina
i, pp.
餃筹湶
鈥
餃
).
餃筹湺餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
aristocrats, spent many years living abroad.
餃憋湽餃
This free movement and commu-
nication between individuals seems to reflect a lack of political tension based on
considerations of ethnicity. When King Ecgfrith launched a raid into Ireland and
wrought considerable havoc in part of Meath, Bede reported this in strong terms
of shock and indignation.
餃憋湽餃
Within this general context Aldhelm, conducting a one-man crusade to aggran-
dize the school of Canterbury, certainly had access to Irish works. This is made
clear by his letters to his pupils, particularly the letter to Heahfrith, which appears
to be a conscious parody of Hiberno-Latin high style.
餃憋湽餃
There are two historically-
visible routes by which a poem written in Iona in particular could have reached
Aldhelm: via the mediation of his godson, King Aldfrith of Northumbria, or via
his pupil Pehthelm, the first English bishop of Candida Casa in Galloway,
餃憋湽餃
who
must have had some reputation as a scholar, for Boniface later appealed to him as
an authority on canon law.
餃憋湽餃
There may have been many others who had ties of
some kind both with Aldhelm and with the Irish-influenced north of England.
There are three works of Aldhelm鈥檚 which reveal some trace of a possible acquain-
tance with 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, the
epistola ad Heahfridum
, already mentioned as a
work in which Aldhelm exerted himself to mock and parody Irish writings,
Epis-
tola ad Wihtfridum
, and his
Carmen rhythmicum
.
餃憋湽餃
Aldhelm鈥檚 apparent aim in the
Epistola ad Heahfridum
is to demonstrate his complete mastery of the techniques
of Irish high style, in addition to further resources which were beyond the capacity
of the Irish schools. A neat example of this is in the verses with which he ends the
letter. The first is a jingle based on a line from Virgilius Maro Grammaticus, which
can be resolved into two seven-syllabled
rhythmical
half-lines by the excision of the
syntactically-superfluous
fiat
.
餃憋湽餃
Rhythmical, syllabic verse was of course the com-
mon model for most Hiberno-Latin hymnody. The next four lines are Aldhelm鈥檚
own metrically correct hexameters, and form a complete contrast in style.
餃憋湽餃
Linguistic competence is an issue which surfaces repeatedly in the
Historia ecclesiastica
. Agilbert
was unable, or unwilling, to learn an Old English dialect alongside his own Frankish, and lost his see
in consequence (III.
餃
, and see III.
餃诧湹
: he may, on the other hand, have been competent in Old Irish,
from Bede鈥檚 account
Historia ecclesiastica
pp.
餃诧湷餃
and
餃筹湴餃
) Aidan was dependent on the o
ffi
ces of King
Oswald as a translator until he had learned Old English 鈥 it is clear that he did learn it, but that it had
not been an automatic part of his education on Iona (III.
餃
, ibid., p.
餃诧湶餃
).
餃憋湽餃
Despite his own quarrel with the Irish church over the paschal question, and Ecgfrith鈥檚 own lavish
benefactions to Wearmouth-Jarrow, Bede ascribed the king鈥檚 death at the hands of the Picts to divine
vengeance for his unprovoked assault on Ireland, which he describes as 鈥榞ens innoxia et nationi Anglo-
rum semper amicissima鈥 (
Historia ecclesiastica
IV.
餃诧湺
, p.
餃达湶餃
). Some reasons for Ecgfrith鈥檚 aggression
have been suggested by Moisl, 鈥楾he Bernician royal dynasty鈥,
餃憋湶餃
鈥
餃
.
餃憋湽餃
The Hiberno-Latin overtones of the
Epistola
are discussed by Ehwald in
Aldhelmi opera
,
餃达湼餃
鈥
餃
.
The characteristic features of Hiberno-Latin high style are summed up and analysed by G. Br篓uning,
鈥楢damnans
Vita Columbae
und ihre Ableitungen鈥,
Zeitschrift f篓ur celtische Philologie
餃憋湵
(
餃憋湽餃憋湺
鈥
餃憋湻
)
餃诧湵餃
鈥
餃筹湴餃
.
餃憋湽餃
Bede,
historia ecclesiastica
V.
餃憋湼
and V.
餃诧湷
, pp.
餃碉湵餃
and
餃碉湺餃
).
餃憋湽餃
Boniface,
Epistola
XXXII, in
Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus
, (ed. M. Tangl [Berlin
餃憋湽餃憋湺
],
pp.
餃碉湹
鈥
餃
).
餃憋湽餃
Ehwald,
Aldhelmi opera
,
餃碉湶餃
鈥
餃
. The poem has been defended as an authentic work of Aldhelm鈥檚
rather than that of a pupil in M. Lapidge and M. W. Herren (transl.),
Aldhelm: the prose works
, (Ipswich
餃憋湽餃凤湼
),
餃憋湺
鈥
餃憋湼
.
餃憋湽餃
Aldhelm,
Epistola ad Heahfridum
, (ed. Ehwald, p.
餃达湽餃
), and Virgilius Maro Grammaticus,
Epistola
II.i.
餃
鈥
餃憋湶
, in
Epitomi ed epistole
, (ed. G. Polara [Napoli
餃憋湽餃凤湽
],
餃诧湴餃
).
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湺餃
Among the other Hiberno-Latin traces in the
Epistola ad Heahfridum
, there are
a few words associable with 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, almost all in the first fifty lines or
so. The most obvious of these is
Prosator
itself. In his elaborate treatment of that
favourite Insular theme, 鈥榮ailing across the sea鈥, he makes use of the 鈥楢ltus鈥 words,
pontus
,
caeruleus
and
dodrans
: the verses in the poem which deal with the sea,
movements of water and so forth are among its finer moments. There are also
such words as
brumosus
,
protoplastus
and
ergastulum
in this section, which could
conceivably have been suggested by, or taken from, the poem. The
Epistola ad
Wihtfridum
, to another student whom he hoped to lure away from Irish learning,
includes two words,
pontia
and
praesagmen
, which appear only in Aldhelm, 鈥楢ltus
prosator鈥, and glossaries; 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥 (already mentioned as a possible source-text for
鈥楢ltus鈥), and the second Erfurt glossary, part of the Canterbury group. The word
prosator
, similarly, appears in 鈥楢ltus鈥, Aldhelm, and the Canterbury glossaries, and
is not otherwise attested in early Insular Latin.
The
Carmen
is a very di
ff
erent work from the
Epistolae
, and here the case may
be stronger. Here again, the main point of contact with 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is in the
description of the sea in its most spectacular aspects: the overall cosmographical
sweep of 鈥楢ltus鈥 was not relevant to Aldhelm鈥檚 apparent purposes in any of these
works. The
Carmen
tells of a sea journey to Devon and Cornwall in the normally
placid season of mid-June.
餃憋湽餃
In spite of the season, a tremendous storm blew up
and destroyed the roof of the church Aldhelm was visiting. The first half of the
poem describes the storm at sea.
Both poems are written in octosyllabic lines, to very di
ff
erent e
ff
ect. The lines
of 鈥楢ltus鈥 are sti
ff
, ponderous and forceful, those of the
Carmen
, though it is also
learned and allusive, much more fluent in their e
ff
ects. The sentences often extend
over ten lines or so, and the poem is not stanzaic, both of which help to speed the
reader on his way, but the main di
ff
erence is in tone. The first
餃憋湵餃
lines of the
Carmen
make no mention of God: they are devoted to an ecphrasis of savage and
untamed nature. Where the Irish poem is disciplined and compressed, the English
one is lavish and verbose. But there are certain similarities of vocabulary and ideas
between the two, more than can be ascribed simply to their common use of the
book of Job. Both use the phrase
machina mundi
, coined by Lucretius, and after
Aldhelm, an Anglo-Latin clich茅.
餃憋湽餃
Much more significant is the word
brumalis
in
Carmen
, line
餃诧湴
. It must mean
鈥榮tormy鈥 or 鈥榲iolent鈥, since the journey took place in June.
餃憋湽餃
This meaning also
accords well with the use of
brumalis
in 鈥楢ltus鈥 I,
餃
, which is discussing distur-
bances in the sea, but not apparently any particular season. The word
turbo
, which
governs
brumalis
in the
Carmen
, similarly appears as part of the same sentence in
鈥楢ltus鈥. The word
dodrans
, which must have come from a Hiberno-Latin source,
appears in both poems (
Carmen
l.
餃憋湴餃
, 鈥楢ltus鈥 I,
餃
). The tremendous and complex
movement of waters from sea to sky and back again in Stanza I perhaps serves as
餃憋湽餃
Bede,
De temporum ratione
,
餃憋湹
(ed. C. W. Jones [Turnhout
餃憋湽餃凤湻
], pp.
餃筹湶餃
鈥
餃筹湶
) having named the
Anglo-Saxon months, comments of
lida
(June and July), 鈥榣ida dicitur blandus siue nauigabilis, quod in
utroque illo mense et blanda sit serenitas aurarum, et nauigari soleant aequora鈥 (p.
餃筹湷餃
).
餃憋湽餃
See Campbell, n.
餃憋湼餃
.
餃憋湽餃
Noted by Ehwald, who also quotes a similarly metaphorical use of
hiems
, p.
餃碉湶餃
.
餃筹湺餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
a starting-point for the magnificent image of upheaval elaborated in the first half
of the
Carmen
in phrases like
cum bulliret brumalibus
undosus uortex fluctibus (ll.
餃憋湴餃
-
餃帮湺
).
Apart from Stanza I, the stanza most likely to have influenced the
Carmen
is L.
The image of the water in the clouds held in check by God is of course derived
ultimately from Job
餃诧湸
:
餃
, but it is elaborated and made more striking in 鈥楢ltus鈥.
The sense of abundance and potential violence which lies both in the words of
Stanza L and in its juxtaposition with a stanza on the Flood is also found in the
carmen
in lines such as,
cum fracti uenti federe . . .
rupto retinaculo (ll.
餃诧湷
and
餃诧湹
)
and lines
餃碉湷
鈥
餃
,
quae cateruatim caelitus
crebrantur nigris nubibus.
Several other words are also common to both poems, such as
furibundus
(l.
餃筹湹
),
pontus
(l.
餃憋湵餃
) and
grassor
(l.
餃碉湶
): only perhaps the first of these is unusual enough
to bear any evidential stress at all.
It is very di
ffi
cult to decide whether a selfconsciously Hibernophobe writer like
Aldhelm modelled any part of his work on a Hiberno-Latin poem. Such simi-
larities as occur are either a matter of unconscious influence, or the result of two
contemporary writers working partly with the same material and inadvertently
producing coincident work. In this case, however, the use of a small number of
rare words by both writers strengthens the case for the first of these alternatives.
餄o澂餄潱餄澋餄筹潻餄澁餄
There seems good reason to assert that 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 is indeed a Hiberno-
Latin hymn, but not that it was composed in the sixth century by St Columba. Its
a
ffi
liations in style and language together with its sources and what may be traced
of its early history, are entirely compatible with its having originated in Ireland in
the seventh century.
The date of a given writer must normally be established in terms of the
terminus
post quem
and
terminus ante quem
. In the case of 鈥楢ltus鈥, these boundaries are
provided by its most recent sources, which appear to be the
Etymologiae
of Isidore
of Seville (
ob
.
餃讹湷餃
) and the 鈥楢
ff
atim鈥 glossary; and its earliest users, apparently
Aldhelm and the authors of the
Hisperica famina
. These narrow limits require a
date for the writing of the poem of between
餃讹湹餃
and
餃凤湴餃
.
There are a number of reasons for supporting the traditional Irish localisation so
far as to ascribe the poem鈥檚 composition to a writer based in Iona. There are links
between 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 and the
Hisperica famina
. At the same time, there are links
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湺餃
between the
Famina
and Adomn谩n, our only visible seventh-century Ionan author,
for instance, traces of Vergilian phraseology in both Adomn谩n鈥檚 works and the
Famina
.
餃诧湴餃
The only study of Vergil apparently to emanate from seventh-century
Ireland is associated with Adomn谩n. The A-text was written in a coastal centre,
and Iona was certainly that.
餃诧湴餃
The
Famina
must emanate from a centre which
encouraged the study of secular as well as purely spiritual or theological learning,
and so must 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥. Adomn谩n鈥檚 works show that Iona was such a centre,
as well as exhibiting actual correspondences in style, vocabulary and sources with
both the poem and the
Famina
. Furthermore, if the poem came from Iona, it was
as good as written by Columba to an age which was less concerned with authorship
than our own and very conscious of the continued active existence of long-dead
saintly founders. The association of the poem with this saint in the
Liber hymno-
rum
could have been completely arbitrary, but I hope to have demonstrated that
there are linguistic and stylistic reasons for thinking that it is not.
Iona in the seventh century was a major cultural centre, the head of the impor-
tant monastic
paruchia
of St Columba,
餃诧湴餃
the home of Adomn谩n, as important
an ecclesiastical politician as any in Ireland,
餃诧湴餃
the mother-house of the young
Northumbrian church, and deeply implicated in Northumbrian royal politics.
餃诧湴餃
The connection between Iona and Lindisfarne continued to be active in the sev-
enth century. For example, the same collection of saints鈥 lives is used by Adomn谩n
in his
Vita S. Columbae
and by the anonymous Lindisfarne author of the
Vita
S. Cuthberti
.
餃诧湴餃
Since Lindisfarne was also in contact with Jarrow, it is likely that
much of the Hiberno-Latin material which came Bede鈥檚 way reached him from
Iona, though perhaps indirectly.
餃诧湴餃
An obvious case in point is Adomn谩n鈥檚
De locis
sanctis
, which Bede received through the mediation of King Aldfrith.
餃诧湴餃
This contact between Iona and Northumbrian monastic centres has long been
recognised, with the testimony of Bede to guide us. 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 may help
to shed some light on Iona鈥檚 Southumbrian connections. The political defeat
inflicted on the Columban church at the Synod of Whitby in
餃讹湺餃
did not break o
ff
餃诧湴餃
Bullough, 鈥楥olumba, Adomn谩n and the achievement of Iona, II鈥,
Scottish Historical Review
餃达湸
(
餃憋湽餃讹湹
)
餃憋湻
鈥
餃筹湵
, p.
餃诧湸
, and Grosjean, 鈥楥onfusa caligo鈥, p.
餃讹湽
.
餃诧湴餃
C. E. Roth, 鈥楽ome observations on the historical background of the
Hisperica famina
鈥,
脡riu
餃诧湽
(
餃憋湽餃凤湼
)
餃憋湵餃
鈥
餃憋湶餃
. Other factors which may be relevant are the interest in physical geography manifest
in A-text
餃筹湺餃
鈥
餃革湴
, and very clearly a preoccupation of Adomn谩n鈥檚 from his
De locis sanctis
, with its
cross referencing of written geographical sources with Arculf 鈥檚 eyewitness account, and the implication,
brought out by Herren (
Hisperica famina
i, p.
餃筹湹
), that some at least of the faminators were English:
we can name many Englishmen at Iona in both the sixth and the seventh centuries.
餃诧湴餃
See for example Herbert,
Iona, Kells and Derry
.
餃诧湴餃
This is evidenced in a number of ways, most notably his promulgation of the
C谩in Adomn谩in
, on
which see M. N铆 Dhonnchadha, 鈥楾he guarantor list of
C谩in Adomn谩in
,
餃讹湽餃
鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湶
)
餃憋湻餃
鈥
餃诧湵餃
.
餃诧湴餃
King Aldfrith made his unexpected, and successful bid for royal power from a discreet exile on Iona:
see the anonymous
Vita S. Cuthberti
, III.
餃
, (ed. B. Colgrave,
Two lives of St Cuthbert
[Cambridge
餃憋湽餃达湴
])
p.
餃憋湴餃
.
餃诧湴餃
D. Bullough, 鈥楥olumba, Adomn谩n and the achievement of Iona鈥, I,
Scottish Historical Review
餃达湷
(
餃憋湽餃讹湸
)
餃憋湵餃
鈥
餃筹湴
, p.
餃憋湶餃
.
餃诧湴餃
A. A. M. Duncan, 鈥楤ede, Iona and the Picts鈥, in R. H. C. Davis and J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (ed.),
The writing of history in the Early Middle Ages
(Oxford
餃憋湽餃革湵
)
餃
鈥
餃达湶
, pp.
餃
鈥
餃
.
餃诧湴餃
Historia ecclesiastica
, V.
餃憋湹
, p.
餃碉湴餃
.
餃筹湺餃
餄潯餄潵 餄筹澊餄ワ澏餄ワ澁餄筹澂餄
all connection between the Columban and the English Churches. The Corpus-
Epinal-Erfurt group of glossaries is based on glossarial activity at Canterbury in
the seventh century,
餃诧湴餃
and both the glossaries and the works of Aldhelm suggest
some familiarity with 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥: Aldhelm, additionally, knew some part of
the
Hisperica famina
and of the oeuvre of Virgilius Maro Grammaticus. Although
the work of Virgilius is very much part of the Hiberno-Latin school, both in con-
tent and style, the earliest transmission of his work is through England, and almost
the earliest authors to use him are Aldhelm and Bede.
餃诧湴餃
A further indication of
these interconnections is the use of 鈥
c
(
a
)
raxare
鈥 for 鈥
scribere
鈥, a peculiarity of the
writings of Aldhelm, Virgilius and Adomn谩n,
餃诧湵餃
and the fact that Virgilius and
Aldhelm are the only two seventh-century Insular writers to make use of Priscian鈥檚
Institutiones grammaticae
.
餃诧湵餃
There is a direct link between Aldhelm and Adomn谩n, in that they both enjoyed
a close personal relationship with Aldfrith, king of Northumbria from
餃讹湼餃
to
餃凤湴餃
.
Aldhelm states of the king
Nam pridem, tempore pubertatis nostrae, cum septiformis spiritalium
charismatum munificentia uestra solers indolis sub manu uenerandi pontificis
ornaretur, patrem memini me nomen adeptum teque adoptiuae dignitatis
uocabula cum celestis gratiae praerogatiua sortitum.
餃诧湵餃
This appears to mean that Aldhelm was Aldfrith鈥檚 godfather, though the phrasing
is obscure. At any rate, he is in a position to address the king as 鈥
reuerendissime fili
鈥,
and refers to himself as Aldfrith鈥檚 鈥
pater
鈥 in the sentence quoted above. One would
dearly like to know when, and in what circumstances, this confirmation took place.
It is possible that Aldfrith spent some time in Canterbury, and that the bishop,
therefore, was the venerable Theodore of Tarsus 鈥 some earlier Northumbrian
rulers had found Southern England put enough of a distance between themselves
and their enemies at home.
餃诧湵餃
Alternatively, Aldhelm could conceivably have trav-
elled in Ireland, and met the young prince there.
餃诧湵餃
Baptism and confirmation, for
kings, could be political matters: the patronage relationship inherent in spiritual
餃诧湴餃
Bischo
ff
et al.,
The Epinal, Erfurt, Werden and Corpus Glossaries
, pp.
餃憋湹
鈥
餃憋湻
; and see J. Bradley,
鈥楻emarks on the Corpus glossary鈥, p.
餃憋湴餃
; and J. D. Pheifer,
Old English glosses in the Epinal-Erfurt
glossary
(Oxford
餃憋湽餃凤湸
), p. lviii. The suggestion that there is an 鈥楢ltus鈥-batch in Epinal was first made by
W. M. Lindsay,
The corpus, Epinal, Erfurt and Leyden glossaries
(Cambridge
餃憋湽餃诧湵
)
餃革湹
鈥
餃
; and repeated
by Pheifer,
Old English glosses
, p. lv.
餃诧湴餃
V. Law,
The Insular Latin grammarians
(Woodbridge
餃憋湽餃革湶
)
餃达湽
鈥
餃碉湴
. M. L. W. Laistner, 鈥楾he library
of the Venerable Bede鈥, in his
The intellectual heritage of the Early Middle Ages
, (ed. C. G. Starr [Ithaca
餃憋湽餃碉湻
]) pp.
餃憋湵餃
鈥
餃达湽
, pp.
餃憋湵餃
鈥
餃憋湽
, suggested that use of the same rare authors in both Aldhelm and Bede
normally demonstrated Bede鈥檚 borrowings from the Canterbury library. But it may also be true that
books, perhaps Hiberno-Latin books in particular, travelled from North to South.
餃诧湵餃
Discussed by Bullough in 鈥楥olumba, Adomn谩n and the achievement of Iona鈥, i, p.
餃憋湶餃
; and by M.
Herren, 鈥業nsular Latin
c
(
h
)
araxare
(
craxare
) and its derivatives鈥,
Peritia
餃
(
餃憋湽餃革湶
)
餃诧湻餃
鈥
餃革湴
.
餃诧湵餃
Law,
Insular Latin grammarians
,
餃诧湵
.
餃诧湵餃
Ewald,
Aldhelmi opera
,
餃讹湵
鈥
餃
.
餃诧湵餃
For instance Edwin, in Bede,
Historia ecclesiastica
II.
餃憋湶
, p.
餃憋湻餃
. Others went to Ireland, such as
the sons of 脝thelfrith and their followers (
Historia ecclesiastica
III.
餃
, p.
餃诧湵餃
), or to Frankia (
Historia
ecclesiastica
II.
餃诧湴
, p.
餃诧湴餃
).
餃诧湵餃
Lapidge and Herren,
Aldhelm: the prose works
, pp.
餃
鈥
餃
.
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
餃筹湺餃
parentage could a
ff
ect other aspects of the power relations between rulers.
餃诧湵餃
Ald-
frith鈥檚 contemporary, C忙dwalla, went so far as to entrust his baptism only to the
Pope.
餃诧湵餃
The choice of Aldhelm, who may have been of Kentish royal blood, as a
godfather is unlikely to have been fortuitous, though the reasons for it are entirely
obscure.
Aldfrith, apparently the son of an Irish mother of good family,
餃诧湵餃
spent his youth
in exile in Ireland where, according to a late collection of Irish annals, he became
the pupil of Adomn谩n.
餃诧湵餃
He was certainly at Iona when his half-brother Ecgfrith
died: we are informed of this by the anonymous
Vita S. Cuthberti
written dur-
ing his reign. Whatever the terms of their initial acquaintance may have been,
Adomn谩n was certainly in contact with Aldfrith after his return to Northumbria.
The king was apparently the dedicatee of Adomn谩n鈥檚
De locis sanctis
,
餃诧湵餃
and Adom-
n谩n also, in the
Vita S. Columbae
, mentions visiting him (probably in
餃讹湼餃
and
again in
餃讹湺餃
), describing him as 鈥榓micus鈥.
餃诧湶餃
Aldhelm seems to have lost contact
with his godson during Aldfrith鈥檚 sojourn in Ireland 鈥 understandably enough, for
Aldfrith was more or less in hiding from his half-brother. Once he had returned
to Northumbria as king, however, Aldhelm hastened to renew the old tie, and
sent him the lengthy treatise on metrics known as
Epistola ad Acircium
.
餃诧湶餃
Thus in
the
餃讹湼餃
s Aldfrith was in contact with both his erstwhile mentors, both of whom
presented him with substantial literary works. It would be natural, though not
inevitable, for them to come into contact with each other, especially since Ald-
frith was generous about sharing books.
餃诧湶餃
The Irish and Hiberno-Latin material
in the early English glossaries, the works of Aldhelm and Bede, and the history
of Insular script all show that there were contacts between early Southumbria and
Irish schools and scholars.
餃诧湶餃
The additional data above suggest that Iona might be
particularly plausible as such a source. It is also interesting to note that the word
gergenna
, which Adomn谩n is the only author of a literary text actually to use,
餃诧湵餃
For example, Oswald, a very powerful king, became both godfather and son-in-law of Cynegils
of Wessex. The power relationship between them is emphasised by their
joint
donation of land at
Dorchester, in Cynegils鈥檚 kingdom, to form a new bishopric 鈥 like O
ff
a of Mercia in the ninth century,
Oswald seems to be interfering in the internal a
ff
airs of a kingdom he regarded as subordinate (
Historia
ecclesiastica
III.
餃
, p.
餃诧湷餃
). Similarly, while 脝thelbert of Kent was the most powerful king in England,
he forced R忙dwald of East Anglia to accept baptism which, once the latter king鈥檚 power had grown, he
promptly repudiated (
Historia ecclesiastica
II.
餃憋湹
, p.
餃憋湽餃
).
餃诧湵餃
Bede,
Historia ecclesiastica
V.
餃
, p.
餃达湻餃
.
餃诧湵餃
She was the daughter of the Northern U铆 N茅ill king, Colm谩n R铆mid: see F. J. Byrne,
Irish kings
and high-kings
(London
餃憋湽餃凤湷
)
餃憋湵餃
, and M. A. O鈥橞rien (ed.),
Corpus genealogiarum Hiberniae I
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃讹湶
)
餃憋湷餃
: 鈥楥olm谩n R铆mid athair Fina, mathair iside Flaind Fina meic Ossu regis Saxonum鈥. See, for a
sceptical view, D. N. Dumville, 鈥楾wo troublesome abbots鈥,
Celtica
餃诧湵
(
餃憋湽餃癸湴
)
餃憋湸餃
鈥
餃碉湶
.
餃诧湵餃
J. M. Radner (ed.),
The Fragmentary Annals of Ireland
(Dublin
餃憋湽餃凤湼
) p.
餃碉湸
, entry 搂
餃憋湺餃
(the phrase is
鈥
dalta Adamn谩in
鈥)
餃诧湵餃
This may be deduced from Bede鈥檚 remark, 鈥榩orrexit autem librum hunc Adamnan Aldfrido regi鈥
(
Historia ecclesiastica
, V.
餃
, p.
餃碉湴餃
).
餃诧湶餃
Anderson and Anderson,
Vita S. Columbae
, II.
餃达湺
, p.
餃达湺餃
.
餃诧湶餃
Ehwald,
Aldhelmi opera
,
餃讹湵
鈥
餃讹湴餃
.
餃诧湶餃
Bede,
Historia ecclesiastica
, V.
餃憋湹
, p.
餃碉湴餃
. Bede says, 鈥榮criptor [Adomn谩n] quoque ipse multis ab eo
muneribus donatus patriam remissus est鈥: what sort of gifts might Aldfrith have given Adomn谩n?
餃诧湶餃
On script, see T. J. Brown, 鈥楾he Irish influence on the Insular system of scripts to c. A.D.
餃革湹餃
鈥, in
L篓owe,
Die Iren und Europa im fr篓uheren Mittelalter
i, pp.
餃憋湴餃
鈥
餃憋湵餃
.
餃筹湺餃
餄★潿餄达澋餄 餄帮澆餄澇餄★澊餄澆
appears in two of the later Old English glossaries, thus confirming the impression
that Iona was a centre with influence on England.
餃诧湶餃
In localising 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥, the first step was to account for a Hiberno-Latin
poem鈥檚 being known in Southumbria. Secondly, the centre where it was written
had to be stocked with Christian Latin works including such rarities as Hegesippus.
Thirdly, the milieu in which it was written had to be one demonstrating familiarity
with the
Hisperica famina
. Iona fulfils all these criteria. My conclusion on the
date and localising of 鈥楢ltus鈥 is therefore that it was written at Iona in the second
half of the seventh century, a view which is in accordance with all the evidence,
direct, indirect, and inferential. No specific person can be put forward as the
author. It is much to be regretted that we do not have any Hiberno-Latin poetry
known to have been written by Adomn谩n, but in the absence of any grounds for
comparison, it is not proper to ascribe 鈥楢ltus prosator鈥 to his pen merely because he
was the major literary figure of Iona at this time. In any case, if the poem were his,
one might reasonably expect to find some trace of his idiosyncratic fondness for
diminutives and superlatives in it, which there is not. There is much that we do
not know about seventh-century Iona and its personnel. Bede鈥檚 account suggests
that Aidan was one of the community鈥檚 outstanding personalities, yet Adomn谩n
does not mention him 鈥 Adomn谩n鈥檚 contemporaries appear in his work only in
the context of stories about St Columba. As a matter of pure speculation, one
might consider the possibility that the poem was written by Dorbb茅ne, scribe of
the Scha
ff
hausen copy of the
Vita S. Columbae
, and inferentially one of the most
learned members of the community after Adomn谩n himself 鈥 but there are no
possible grounds for testing such an idea.
J
餄★澁餄
S
餄达潵餄讹潵餄澇餄澁
Centre for British and Comparative Cultural Studies, University of Warwick
餃诧湶餃
O. B. Schlutter, 鈥楽ome Celtic traces in the glosses鈥,
American Journal of Philology
餃诧湵
(
餃憋湽餃帮湴
)
餃憋湼餃
鈥
餃癸湶
,
pp.
餃憋湽餃
鈥
餃
. Both the glossaries, which are preserved in BL Cotton Cleopatra A ii (s. x/xi), printed by T.
Wright,
Anglo-Saxon vocabularies
i, pp.
餃诧湻餃
.
餃
and
餃达湵餃
.
餃憋湴
, gloss the word as 鈥
sticca
鈥. See also K. Meyer,
鈥業rish loanwords鈥,
Revue Celtique
餃憋湷
(
餃憋湼餃癸湶
)
餃碉湴餃
-
餃帮湺
, p.
餃碉湴餃
.