Stripping the Illusion:

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
London Metropolitan University

Foreward by Depute Leader

2. Executive

Summary

3. Introduction

What is Lap Dancing?

Origins and Growth of Lap Dancing

Normalisation and Influence on Popular Culture

Why the Concern?

Notation

4. Aims

and

Methodology

Methods

Literature

Review

Desk-based

Research

Visits

Clubs

Staff

Club

Owners

Interview with Dancers

Interviews

with

Customers

Members of the Public

Semi-structured

Interviews

Table 1: Data Collection

Pro

Formas

Undertaking research in sensitive areas: ethical considerations

Ensuring the Research was Ethical

Limitations

What We Know About Lap Dancing

History

Numbers

Locations

Research

Dancers’

Perspectives

Public Opinion on Local Impact

Customers

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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Legal/Licensing

6. Legal

Context

Licensing

Breaching Licensing Regulations and Club Rules

Table 2: Licensing Conditions

Tribunals

Police

Investigations

Lap Dance Clubs in Glasgow and London

Description of Clubs

Organisation and Management

General

Observations

Security and Club Rules

VIP and Private Rooms

Working

Conditions

Terms of Employment

Unionisation

Coercion

Views

and

Perspectives

Clubs Owners/Managers and Staff

Dancers

Customers

Corporate

Membership

Journalists

A Front for Prostitution

Clubs in Context

Neighbours and Neighbourhoods

Glasgow Chamber of Commerce

London

Businesses

Media

Coverage

NGOs

9. Conclusions

10. Bibliography

11. Appendix 1

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
London Metropolitan University

1. Foreward by Councillor Jim Coleman, Deputy Leader of
Glasgow City Council

I welcome the publication of this study funded by the Council and undertaken by Julie
Bindel of the Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit at London Metropolitan University.

For the first time this report provides us with an analysis and some understanding of the
nature of so called ‘gentlemen’s entertainment’. It explodes the myth that it can be
likened to, and regulated in the same way, as karaoke, live music and cabaret. These
establishments are not providing benign and harmless fun. Make no mistake this is

sheer exploitation of women – sexual and financial. These are sleazy strip clubs and no
amount of talk of being ‘up market’, ‘elegant’, and ‘top end of the market’ will change
that.

The report highlights the exploitation of the women involved in these establishments,

paying a fee to owners and being totally dependent on private dances to make any
kind of living. It’s a far cry from the prevailing myth of young women making a fortune
for a few easy hours entertaining high-powered businessmen.

Local authorities like Glasgow strive hard to create cities in which all citizens feel
included and respected. We believe that the vast majority of the general public feel
that these establishments do no good for our reputation or image and make women, in
particular, feel objectified and demeaned. They are also seen as undermining
women’s feelings of safety and act as magnets for men seeking sexual services.

I believe that this report backs up the Council’s request for the Scottish Executive to
amend the Civic Government (Scotland) Act to take these operations into the same
category as those requiring sex shop licenses.

Thanks again to Julie for producing such a readable and informative report within a
very short time scale. Thanks also to Pauline Wallace and Scott Macpherson who
prepared the report for printing.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
London Metropolitan University

Executive Summary, October 2004

Introduction

1.1

Lap dancing has increasingly caught public attention during the last five years.
Opinion is divided as to whether or not the activities in the clubs are part of the
sex industry or the leisure industry.

1.2

Within the industry there is evidence of denial that lap dancing is linked to the
sex industry.

None of the club owners or customers interviewed defined the

clubs as part of the sex industry.

1.3

Men who might consider strip clubs and brothels distasteful or unacceptable can
justify a visit to a lap-dance club as harmless fun. There have been historic and
cultural changes regarding the public perception of the clubs.

1.4

Chain clubs advertise widely, for example on buses, flyers, the Internet and taxis.
Billboards rented from local authorities also carry advertisements.

1.5 There is significant opposition in the UK to these clubs from a variety of

organisations, businesses and individuals.

1.6

There have been complaints from former staff, members of the public and police
officers claiming that sexual services are on offer in some clubs.

1.7

In line with the council’s equality policy and stand against commercial sexual
exploitation, in 2002, Glasgow City Council systematically oppose license
applications on the grounds that they ‘demean and exploit’ women.

1.8

Lap dancing has been described as ‘the fastest growing area in Britain's sex

industry.

Aims and Methodology

2.1

This study seeks to address lap dancing, and lap-dancing clubs, in a context of
growing concerns from Glasgow City council regarding the current licensing

system and lack of local authority powers.

2.2

It draws on a range of perceptions – the police, licensing boards, the general
public, customers and dancers.

2.3

Glasgow was the main focus, with some attention to London.

2.4

The following information was sought:

Interview with Alan Whitehead, formally of For Your Eyes Only, June 2004.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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•

Definition, origin and growth of lap dancing

•

Numbers of existing establishments in the UK

•

Numbers of dancers and customers involved

•

Recruitment methods

•

Advertising

•

Dancers’ employment, and working conditions

•

Licensing laws and implications for police/local authorities

•

Impact on the community/businesses

•

Links to prostitution, drugs and other crimes

2.5

A number of methods were used, including a literature review, Internet research,

visits to clubs and interviews.

2.6

Four clubs in Glasgow and two in London were visited in order to observe and
interview dancers, customers and staff. Information was subsequently recorded

onto pro formas.

2.7

Twenty dancers and fifteen customers were interviewed in the six clubs visited.

2.8

Public opinion was polled in Glasgow and London. Club owners, police officers,

women’s groups, journalists and licensing officials were also interviewed.

2.9

Covert observation methods were used in clubs. The work of CWASU adheres to
the ethical guidelines of the British Sociological Association.

What We Know

3.1

The UK’s first lap-dancing club opened in 1995. There are now an estimated one
hundred and fifty legally operating clubs throughout the UK.

3.2

Private ‘VIP’ rooms were first established in the US and Canada in the early 1990s

and provoked considerable public protest. Most UK clubs have private rooms.

3.3

It proved impossible to determine the precise number of establishments in the
UK, as some operate without a licence, or do not define as lap dancing clubs.

Legal Context

4.1

Lap-dance clubs have come under local authority and police scrutiny. Police
forces have conducted a number of investigations into misconduct and criminal
activity within lap-dancing clubs during the last eight years.

4.2

Lap dance clubs are currently covered by a Public Entertainment License (PEL).

Opinion is divided on how lap-dance clubs should be defined and licensed.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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4.3

In England and Wales Licensing Boards have the power to impose conditions,
which are enforceable in the criminal court. In Scotland Licensing Boards can
seek undertakings from applicants on matters relating to the operation and

management in respect of the proposed premises.

4.4

There are no legal restrictions on full nudity during one-to-one dances, but there
are limitations on the level of physical contact permitted between the dancers

and customers during a private or table dance, and in the public area.

4.5

Licensing regulation has proved contentious for law enforcers, members of the
public, women’s organisations and club owners. There is general agreement that
licensing conditions are inconsistent.

4.6

None of the clubs/pub visited for this study fully adhered to the terms of their
licences.

4.7

Evidence of bodily contact and sexual services being offered and/or requested
was noted in some clubs.

4.8

The Scottish Executive has been accused of failing to provide local authorities
with the powers to deal adequately with such enterprises.

Club Visits

5.1

The Truffle Club, Seventh Heaven, Diamond Dolls and Legs’ n’ Co were visited in
Glasgow, and Spearmint Rhino, Tottenham Court Road branch, and The Flying
Scotsman in London

5.2

Security was felt to be inadequate in all six clubs. All four Glasgow clubs allowed
the ‘no touching’ rule to be broken.

5.3

The majority of one-to-one dances are conducted in a curtained-off area,

sometimes with booths. VIP rooms are distinct from ‘private dance areas’.

5.4

Dancers are self employed and therefore have no employment rights. They pay
a fee to work in the clubs. The private dance is the only legitimate way for the
dancers to make money.

5.5

Dancers feel pressurised to secure dances with as many of the customers as
possible, especially if they are in debt to the club.

5.6

None of the dancers interviewed in the Glasgow clubs were satisfied with their
working conditions. No club had a dedicated dressing room for the dancers, nor
did they provide facilities for refreshments away from the public areas.

The Flying Scotsman is licensed as a public house, but with the same conditions as Spearmint Rhino with respect to

conduct with the dancers/strippers.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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5.7

Problems identified by the dancers interviewed ranged from threats of physical
violence from customers and demands for sex, to practical health and safety
issues.

5.8

In 2001, ‘erotic dancers’ were invited to join the GMB. There is opposition from
most club owners to dancers joining.

5.9

There was no evidence of direct coercion of the dancers by management into
working in the club, or providing sexual services, but a number of factors
contribute to the possibility of the dancers being pressurised into offering, or
agreeing to, sexual services without direct instruction from management.

5.10 All club owners interviewed accused other club owners of running disreputable

clubs offering sexual services.

5.11 There is evidence of links between lap dancing and pornography.

5.12 The dancers are encouraged by management to drink alcohol on site.

5.13 The majority of dancers interviewed expressed ambivalence towards the

customers.

5.14 The 15 customers interviewed ranged in age from eighteen to sixty. The majority

live in the UK; two thirds had partners and almost half had children. Nine had
been to the club, or another lap-dance club, on at least one previous occasion.

5.15 This study revealed the complex process and set of conditions in which dancers

become more susceptible to requests or suggestions to sell sex. The lack of
employment rights, the experience of accumulating debt, expectations of the
customers and fierce competition create a climate where the selling and buying

of sex on the premises becomes more likely.

5.16 There was some evidence of pressure on the dancers from management to

create an impression of sexual availability. Several of the dancers stated that a
number of customers assume they will agree to provide sexual services.

5.17 All of the dancers interviewed insisted they did not offer sexual services but

admitted there were women who were known to be willing.

5.18 Approximately half of the customers in Glasgow went to clubs looking for sex.

Four (25%) claimed they had had sex with a dancer on the premises.

5.19 There was no evidence of the selling of sexual services in Spearmint Rhino,

London, on the premises, but there was in The Flying Scotsman.

5.20 There was evidence that some of the dancers were involved in coercing money

from customers. During all visits in Glasgow and at Spearmint Rhino in London it
was noted that the ratio of dancers to customers. One occasion, this meant that

those who had not managed to secure enough money through private dances

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would attempt to charge a ‘hostess fee’ for talking to the customer, or continue
to dance after the track had finished, without explaining that this meant the
customer would be charged for further dances.

5.21 So long as club managers assure the police and others that any dancer found to

be offering or engaging in sexual services will be dismissed, places the onus for
behaviour onto the dancer. There has been a tendency, as highlighted through

tribunals and police evidence, that club owners who either encourage dancers
to engage in sexual activity, or merely ‘turn a blind eye’ are not held responsible
for allowing that to happen.

Clubs in Context

6.1

Widespread opposition to lap-dancing clubs has been voiced by a number of
agencies and from a range perspectives. However, there is also support for such
clubs from individuals, for example, those using the club facilities

, and bodies

such as the UK Network of Sex Work Projects

6.2

Twenty members of the public were polled near to lap dance clubs in London
and Glasgow. Three quarters said they would rather not work or live in an area
near a lap-dancing club.

6.3

The Glasgow Chamber of Commerce has objected to the opening of all four
clubs, on the grounds that their presence will have an adverse effect on
Glasgow’s image, and negatively affect trade.

6.4

Opinion is divided, as highlighted by press reports, as to whether the clubs are
acceptable entertainment.

The main reasons that have been put forward for not opposing the clubs are:

•

It is not prostitution, but ‘entertainment’

•

The women work in a nice environment, and are there freely

•

The customers are a ‘better class’ than in some other clubs

•

It is ‘good, clean fun’

The main reasons advanced in opposition to them are:

•

They overlap with/are a front for prostitution

•

They encourage men to sexually objectify women

•

People/other businesses do not want the clubs in their area

This includes customers, staff, and those linked to the business, such as breweries, advertising agencies, dancers’ agents

and the dancers themselves. However, a number of the dancers were critical of lap-dance clubs, and some were
ambiguous.

A non-profit, voluntary association of agencies and individuals working with people in prostitution.

The poll was not large-scale market research, but consisted of randomly selected members of the public being asked a

series of questions regarding lap dance establishments who were in the area at the time.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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•

Lap dancing is demeaning to women, and can encourage sexual
violence/abuse

6.5

In Glasgow, women’s groups that focus on violence and exploitation are united
in their critique of lap dancing clubs. A number in London expressed similar
opinions.

6.6

Little work has been done in the UK on the prevalence and nature of lap-
dancing clubs, or the social consequences of them. Further research is needed.

Conclusions and Recommendations

7.1

It can be concluded, from the body of evidence that some lap dance club

owners and managers create conditions in which prostitution is likely to occur.

7.2

There is no evidence of significant numbers of dancers engaging in prostitution
activities, however, the clubs run in a way that implicitly encourages the
customers to expect and seek sexual services from the dancers.

7.3 There is evidence that activities within lap dancing clubs are in direct

contradiction with equality between men and women, and normalises men’s
sexual objectification of women.

This study concludes the following:

•

Lap dancing clubs, contrary to the opinion of club owners interviewed for the
purposes of this study, are part of the sex industry

•

Lap dancing is becoming increasingly normalised

•

Activities within the clubs can be seen as detrimental to gender equality

•

The buying and selling of sexual services does occur in some lap dance clubs

•

Current licensing conditions are inadequate and fail to enable local authorities

to control the proliferation of such establishments within their locale

•

Working conditions and terms of employment of lap dancers are inadequate
and problematic

•

There is strong evidence that dancers can suffer humiliation and sexual
harassment on a regular basis, from customers and staff/management

•

There is a strong public lobby opposing lap dance clubs in the UK and elsewhere

•

Many dancers begin working in lap dance clubs through lack of real choice

•

The requirement for dancers to ‘glamour model’ to advertise the club, and the
evidence that some customers take covert photographs of the dancers whilst
naked, links lap dancing clubs to pornography

This study recommends:

•

Local authorities should be given more power regarding licensing of these

activities

•

License the clubs under the same conditions as sex shops

•

Providing the power to control the numbers of licences granted

•

Apply licensing conditions to advertising the clubs and related activities

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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•

Make issues of employment practice and working conditions for the dancers a
condition of the license

•

Regularise licensing regulation and codes of conduct for dancers and club

rules/conditions

•

Prominently display the rules of the club and the licence in all lap dance venues,
including at the entrance and on tables and bar areas

•

Subject clubs to regular, obligatory checks by undercover police officers and

licensing/enforcement staff

•

Abolish dancers’ ‘rent’ payment to management

•

Abolish VIP suites and curtained areas. As one police officer interviewed during
the study explained, “From a police perspective it would make life and
enforcement easier if we did not have the VIP rooms” (August 2004)

•

Introduce CCTV coverage throughout the premises excluding toilets and staff
changing room

•

Central governments to fund research on the social consequences of
commercial sexual exploitation, which should include lap dancing

•

Central governments to fund public awareness campaigns on sexual
exploitation

7.4

This study is the first of its kind in the UK. It is based largely on observations within
the six clubs, and interviews with those with some involvement and/or interest in

the ‘lap dance industry’.

7.5

Based on testimony from some of those involved in the lap dance club industry, it
concludes that lap dancing clubs and related activities can be viewed as
demeaning to women, and potentially detrimental to gender equality.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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3. Introduction

Lap dancing has increasingly caught public attention during the last five years. Opinion
is divided as to whether or not the activities in the clubs – naked or near-naked women
dancing for men in private booths or at their tables – is part of the sex industry, or the

leisure industry (Lillith, 2003; Bruckert et al, 2003). Clubs have managed to gain a certain
air of respectability, partly due to endorsements from a string of celebrities, including
Robbie Williams and Sophie Dahl. The National Westminster bank has a corporate
account with a lap dance club, as do other city firms in London (Eaves Housing, 2003).

Within the industry there is some evidence of denial that lap dancing is linked to the sex
industry.

None of the club owners or customers interviewed for this study defined the

clubs as part of the sex industry

. Similarly, men who might consider strip clubs and

brothels distasteful or unacceptable can justify a visit to a lap-dance club as ‘just a bit

of fun’ and ‘harmless’. One former dancer who worked as a stripper argues that there
have been historic and cultural changes with respect to the public perception of such
establishments:

The public perception of people going to these places has changed from sad

old men in raincoats to overpaid ‘jack the lads’ throwing away their bonus
payments (Tyke, undated).

Lap and pole dancing have become themes in soap operas, music videos and
Hollywood movies. When Eastenders ran a storyline featuring a lap dancer in 1998, the

actor was sent ‘sackfuls’ of mail from men asking her to do private dancing for them
and requests from Sunday tabloid newspapers asking her to do ‘glamour’ modelling

Striptease, in 1995, and Showgirls, 1996, were the first contemporary mainstream
Hollywood films with a stripping theme.

The larger or ‘chain’ clubs are widely advertised on buses, flyers, the Internet and taxis.
Billboards, which can be rented from a number of companies and other entities,
including local authorities, carry advertisements for lap-dancing clubs. Some
establishments now offer pole-dancing lessons to women who wish to dance for their

partner

. One website advertising lap-dancing lessons for women appeals to their

potential customers thus:

So come on ladies; its trendier than Pilates, healthier than aerobics, more fun

than licking chocolate moose off Brad Pitt, and it will give you more tricks to take
back to the bedroom than a Paul Daniels magic box

Interview with Alan Whitehead, formally of For Your Eyes Only, June 2004.

Not all interviewees were asked this question.

Telephone interview with the actor, July 2004.

Dance studio The Basement in north London, and the Glass Slipper in London, offer pole and lap dancing and stripping

lessons. The classes are recent additions to Salsa and ‘Street Dance’.

www.chillisauce.co.uk.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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Despite this growing normalisation, there is significant opposition to the clubs from a
variety of organisations, businesses and individuals. For example, there have been
complaints from members of the public and police officers claiming that sexual services

are on offer in some clubs. One police officer who visited a central London club said he
had “grave concerns” about it

, after finding evidence that the ‘no touching’ rule was

being breached, and stated he was offered sex with one of the dancers.

In line with the council’s equality policy and stand against prostitution and commercial
sexual exploitation, and partly as a response to women’s groups, members of the public
and local businesses, in 2002, Glasgow City Council became the first local authority in
the UK to systematically oppose license applications for lap-dancing clubs on the
grounds that they ‘demean and exploit’ women.

Vigorous defences of lap dancing have been mounted by club owners, dancers and
customers, as well as those who take a broadly positive view of the sex industry as a
whole. This report aims to reflect the range of opinions found.

What is Lap Dancing?

A variety of dances are offered in lap-dance clubs and are performed both in the main
areas and, in the majority of venues, in a more private area that is often curtained off.
‘Pole dancing’ refers to a ‘cabaret’ performance in the main club area and is the
element most commonly used in TV and film representation. ‘Table dancing’ is
performed near the customer’s seat, with the dancer’s breasts eye level to the

customer. ‘Couch dancing’ entails the dancer standing over a customer sat on a
couch, hanging her breasts over him. The US version of ‘lap dancing’ requires the
woman to straddle the man’s lap and grind or brush against him. A variation involves
the woman dancing between the customer’s legs while sliding down in the chair so

that her thighs are rubbing the customer’s genitals as she moves. This is also known in
the US as ‘friction dancing’ (Frank, 2003). Licensing agreements for some UK clubs
clearly state that the dancers are not permitted to touch the customer with any part of
the body (see Section 4), aside from the customer placing money in the dancer’s G-
string. Such agreements would preclude some of the variants outlined above.

Lap, table and pole dancing are variations of the same routine, and tend to occur in
the same venue, as do stripping and ‘erotic dancing’.

Police officers at Metropolitan police CO14 division, as reported in: Robert Verkaik, 2004,‘Spearmint Rhino Hires Ex-

Detective to Clean Up Club’s Act’, The Independent, April 29.

Interview with Councillor Jim Coleman, May 2004.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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Origins and Growth of Lap Dancing

Lap-dancing clubs originated in the US.’ Exotic dance’ clubs began opening there in
the 1960s. During the next 30 years there was a slow, but steady growth

. Private ‘VIP’

rooms were first established in the US and Canada in the early 1990s and provoked

considerable public protest because it was though that sex would be taking place in
private (Bruckert et al, 2003). The development of the sector in the UK has followed this
trend, with the majority of registered lap-dance clubs offering private room facilities.
Since the first club opened in the UK, some clubs have staged regular events featuring
stripping and lap dancing for lesbians, gay men and heterosexual women

Lap dancing has been described as ‘the fastest growing area in Britain's sex industry’

and in the leisure industry in general. The previous owner of For Your Eyes Only, Alan
Whitehead, dismissed criticism of his contribution to the expansion of the sex industry

and argued: “Sure they (the dancers) take their clothes off but they're not strippers.
They're dancers.”

Normalisation and Influence on Popular Culture

Lap dancing has invaded popular culture at a time when ‘ho and pimp’ chic

is at its

height. The song ‘Lapdance’ by the hip-hop act N.E.R.D sold three hundred thousand
copies in the US, with lyrics suggesting a link between stripping and ‘girl-power’. Cake, a

group describing themselves as ‘feminist party promoters’, advocate the lap-dance-as-
party-game to their customers

In the UK, pole dancing is becoming popular amongst some female celebrities as a

form of exercise. Daryl Hannah, Heather Graham and Kate Moss are all apparently
taking pole-dancing lessons, and Sarah Cox and Zoë Ball have had their own poles
installed at home

Lap-dance clubs and agents regularly advertise in The Stage newspaper. For some of

the women, becoming a lap dancer is motivated by underlying aspirations of being an
‘entertainer’. Two dancers at Spearmint Rhino, London, spoke of their interest in
becoming involved in the acting profession, one stating that she had been told at her
audition by the housemother

that, “lots of girls go on to being actresses and

performers from here” (LD1).

David Price, 1996,‘A cancan too far – history of burlesque in the context of lap dancing’, History Today, December.

Lap Attack in Streatham, London, is a monthly event catering for women only, and featuring male strippers who offer

private lap dances. The Candy Bar, a lesbian club in central London, hosts regular strip and lap dancing shows for
women.

‘Lap dancing contest cancelled’, UK BBC News, 14 April, 2001.

Nick Webster, 2003,‘A Brief History of Lap dancing’, Daily Mirror, July 9.

This refers to the adoption of prostitute and pimp ‘dress styles’ by some fashion designers.

http://slate.msn.com/id/2084507/slideshow.

Megan Lane, 2003,’The woman rapper taking on lap dancing’, BBC News Online Magazine, December.

The person responsible for organising the dancers

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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4. Aims and Methodology

This short exploratory study seeks to address lap dancing, and lap-dancing clubs, in a
context of growing concerns from Glasgow City council regarding the current licensing
system and lack of local authority powers, in line with its equality policy and stand

against commercial sexual exploitation. Opposition to the clubs from some women’s
groups was also noted. The study draws on a range of perceptions – the police,
licensing boards, the general public, customers and dancers.

The commissioned project aimed to address a number of issues with respect to lap-

dancing clubs in the UK whilst retaining a specific focus on Scotland. These comprised:

•

The definition, origin and growth of lap dancing/table dancing

•

Numbers of existing establishments in the UK and geographical locations

•

Estimates of the numbers of dancers and customers involved

•

Where/how the are dancers recruited

•

Where/how the are clubs advertised

•

Terms and conditions of the dancers’ employment, and working conditions

•

Licensing laws and implications for police/local authorities

•

Impact on the community/businesses

•

Links to prostitution, drugs and any other crime

Methods

The study was conducted using a multi-methodological strategy, which was discussed
and agreed with the commissioning body, and formally agreed at a meeting of the
Council’s Policy and Resources Equalities Sub-Committee.

Methods used were:

•

Literature review

•

Internet research

•

Visits to clubs

•

Interviews

Literature review

A literature search was initially conducted to examine issues raised in other countries
where lap dancing is prevalent, such as the US. The search was conducted via

electronic libraries, websites and other accessible materials, with the aim of exploring a
broad range of opinion, and gathering further information on the phenomenon of lap-
dance clubs than the interviews alone allowed. Research and papers from a variety of
perspectives were studied, focusing on the following themes:

•

Definition, origins and growth of lap dancing

•

Previous research

•

The influence on popular culture

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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•

Accounts from former strippers and lap dancers

•

Quantitative and qualitative studies of violence and abuse of dancers

•

Commodification of ‘erotic’ dance

•

Deception and duplicity in lap-dancing arenas

•

Concepts of fantasy and power

•

Effects of prevalence and normalisation of lap-dancing establishments

One search carried out on the Lexis Nexis newspaper database, between July 16 2003
and the same date in 2004, produced a total of nine hundred and fifty one news items,
features and columns in newspapers and magazines in the UK on different aspects of
lap dancing, with new ones posted almost every day. Over eighty newspaper and
magazine articles that provided some basic information about the historical context of

lap dancing and initial responses to clubs opening in the UK and elsewhere were initially
collated. Out of these, forty were selected for use on the basis that they contained
some solid information regarding lap dancing, rather than opinion or speculation

Desk-based research

A proportion of the data was gathered using desk-based research. Newspaper reports,
Internet websites, entertainment guides and magazines were examined to investigate

the following:

•

Geographical locations of the clubs

•

Estimated numbers of dancers and customers involved

Visits to Clubs

Visits to clubs in Glasgow and London were conducted in order to observe and

interview dancers, customers and staff. As this study focused mainly on Glasgow, four
clubs were visited in Glasgow and, for the purposes of comparison, two in London.

In order to speak to the dancers, the clubs were visited when quiet (between the hours
of 9pm and 1-2am), therefore allowing more possibility for informal interviews to be

conducted. In the Glasgow clubs fifteen dancers were spoken to for between fifteen
minutes and an hour and a half, and 12 customers. In London five dancers were spoken
to for between five minutes and one hour, and five customers. Information from
interviews was recorded contemporaneously using brief notations and then transferred

onto pro formas (see below and Appendix 1) as soon as possible afterwards.

In order to preserve anonymity, dancers, customers and journalists are referred to in this
report according to the following coding system:

•

Location is indicated by G (Glasgow), L (London)

•

Dancers are indicated by D, customers by C, staff by S, followed by a number
(e.g. GD1, GD3, LS6)

•

Journalists are indicated by J and a number (e.g. J1, J2).

For example, reports on industrial tribunals brought by lap-dance club employees, violence and criminality associated

with the club or its employees/customers or protests from residents or businesses.

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Staff

Staff, namely bar and security staff, were difficult to engage in conversation in

comparison with dancers and customers. Unlike the dancers, who spend a lot of time
engaging in conversation with customers, staff members rarely sit and talk to others in
the club. Therefore, relatively little information was gathered from staff. Brief
conversations were occasionally possible when purchasing drinks or asking details
about the entertainment in the club.

Club owners

To obtain information on how clubs are run, and to compare the perceptions of owners
with those of dancers and customers, a pro forma was designed and club owners

interviewed, primarily by telephone.

The pro forma addressed the following areas:

•

Working conditions of the dancers

•

Security and club rules

•

Any inappropriate behaviour of dancers or customers

•

Any sexual services requested/offered

•

Public opinion

•

Licensing issues

A total of six club owners/managers were interviewed. Others were approached but
declined to give interviews. For example, two Glasgow club owners stated they could
not speak to anyone publicly about the clubs until after the licensing applications for

two new clubs had been dealt with.

Interviews with Dancers

To gain the perspective of dancers, a loose interview guide was prepared. Areas to be
explored were:

♦

How they got involved in lap dancing

♦

Length of involvement

♦

Main source of income

♦

Working conditions/arrangements

♦

Behaviour of the customers/staff

♦

Whether sexual services are requested/provided

♦

Own perspective on lap dancing and clubs

Conditions within the clubs visited, primarily time constraints on the dancers, mean it
was not possible to address all of these areas with every dancer interviewed. A total of
twenty dancers were interviewed in six clubs – four in Glasgow and two in London. No
sample selection was possible. Interviews were conducted, in conversational mode,

All four existing club owners in Glasgow opposed the applications.

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with any dancer willing to participate. All conversations with the dancers were initiated
by them, since part of their work is to talk to customers within the clubs.

During the interviews, questions were framed in a non-invasive way, such as ‘How long
have you worked here?’, ‘What is it like working here?’, ‘Does your boss treat you well?’,
‘Do you enjoy dancing’ and ‘Can you earn good money?’ In some cases the dancers
volunteered additional information about their working lives and conditions. Dancers

seemed keen and happy to talk. One, who talked for ninety minutes, remarked:

It is so nice to talk to a woman. I get so sick sometimes of massaging men’s egos.
You have to light their fags, and hang on their every word. I like my work, and
most of the men are fine, but it is exhausting putting on a show for them. With my

boyfriend I just tell him to shut up when he’s boring. You can’t do that in here
(GD2).

Interviews with Customers

Conversations with the customers were structured differently. In terms of the men

actually interviewed, all were approached directly. This was because the men who
approached the researcher were all looking for a ‘date’, and all inferred, in various
ways, the possibility of ‘free’ sex. For example, one said: “It’s a relief to know there are
birds here who might not charge you.” (GC7). Questions asked of the customers were

slightly more personal than those asked of the dancers (see pro forma). For example,
they were asked if they had a partner and if they ever came to the club looking for sex.

Members of the public

Twenty members of the public were interviewed outside two lap-dance clubs in

Glasgow at lunchtime, and on club in London in early evening. Their answers were
recorded on pro formas. Interviewees were chosen at random, and ranged in age from
early twenties to late fifties.

Interviews with members of the public were designed to explore their perspective on
the impact of lap-dancing clubs on the area, and their opinions about the effect, if
any, the clubs had on business and the community/image of Glasgow.

Semi-structured interviews

Additional semi-structured interviews were conducted, either face-to-face or by
telephone, with one or more representatives of the following sectors: licensing board
staff; police; NGOs; local government; members of the public; journalists; Unions;
Chamber of Commerce.

•

Police and licensing board staff were asked about evidence of irregularity and
criminality linked to the clubs

•

NGOs were questioned on links between lap dancing and gender inequality

•

Corporate firms were asked about membership of lap-dance clubs

•

Questions to local government representatives focused on the policy aspects of
licensing clubs

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•

Print and visual media journalists who had previously researched lap dancing for
one or more articles were interviewed to explore their knowledge of the activities
occurring within the clubs.

•

Information was sought from the London and Glasgow Chambers of Commerce
on the effects of lap-dancing clubs on the image of the cities, and whether/how
that affected business and tourism

As with other participants, confidentiality was given as a matter of course.

The table below details the number of interviews completed with all of these groups.

Table 1: Data Collection

Observational

Visits

Interviews

Face-to-face

Interviews

telephone

Pro formas

Club owners/managers

3 *

Licensing board members

Women’s organisations

Union representatives

Elected members

Police officers

Members of public

Local government policy

officers

Journalists

5 3 8

Dancers 20 20
Customers 15

Researchers

Club promoters

* There was not enough relevant information from three of the club owners

Pro formas

Pro formas and interview guides had a common basis but were adapted to suit each
category of interviewee. They served primarily to record interview data in a systematic
form that could then be subjected to quantitative analysis. They were used for the
following interviewee groups: dancers; customers; club owners; members of the public;
police officers and local authority representatives.

Undertaking research in sensitive areas: ethical considerations

After exploring other options, it was decided to use covert observation methods when
visiting clubs. All of the work of the Child & Woman Abuse Studies Unit adheres to the
ethical guidelines of the British Sociological Association, whose position on covert
research methods is:

Participant or non-participant observation in non-public spaces or experimental
manipulation of research participants without their knowledge should be
resorted to only where it is impossible to use other methods to obtain essential

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data. In such studies it is important to safeguard the anonymity of research
participants (BSA, 1994).

However, it has been argued that all social research is invasive and, to an extent,
unethical because, for social scientists and criminologists, those being studied usually
have less power than the researchers. The key arguments against using covert methods
are:

•

It is an abuse of power and not a valid research method

•

The researcher cannot obtain the informed consent of the subjects

The main arguments in defence of such methods include:

•

The distinction between covert and overt (including informed consent) is not as
clear as it may seem

•

Covert research is sometimes necessary as the only way to document important

areas of social life, especially where there is crime/corruption

The criminologist Helen Wells argues that:

There are obvious attractions to a method which encourages us to believe that

we are witnessing and reporting ‘the truth’, undisturbed by our own presence.
Subjects cannot alter their behaviour or conceal activities if they are unaware
that they are being observed, suggesting a higher level of validity than can be
obtained by overt methods (Wells, 2004, p6).

In relation to lap dancing, several journalists who have conducted both undercover
and overt research in clubs have confirmed that the conduct of staff, dancers and
customers is affected when they are aware they are being observed. For example,
when J1 was researching a piece she initially visited a club and declared her identity

and intentions:

I found that no one except the management, who were excited by the idea of
newspaper coverage, wanted to talk to me, and I was viewed with suspicion.
Everything seemed controlled, and I had a sense that I was not seeing the true

picture (Interview, June 2004).

When she returned, posing as a customer on a night out with friends:

It was different. The women started to tell me how most of the men are wankers,
and that they didn’t like their jobs. It was a different story than when I had visited
as a journalist (ibid).

A number of University Ethics Committees stipulate that researchers who carry out

covert observations should fulfil the following criteria:

•

The information is in the public interest

•

There is no other way to obtain the information

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•

Any harm to individuals or organisations is outweighed by the benefits of making
the information public

Ensuring the Research was Ethical

As well as visiting one club overtly, a further six were visited covertly (as a customer
accompanied by a ‘male boss’). To address the ethical concerns in undertaking all
covert research, the following steps were taken to ensure as far as possible the safety
and anonymity of those interviewed for this study.

•

Dancers were spoken to with courtesy and respect at all times

•

No ‘overly’ personal questions were asked

•

No actions were taken that might provoke particular behaviour or actions by the

dancers or customers

All interviewees (other than dancers and customers interviewed during covert visits)
were fully informed about the nature of the study, and consent for participation was
obtained before interviews were undertaken.

Limitations

There are a number of limitations in relation of this study. Several individuals were
reluctant to give information. For example, club owners were reticent in the light of

public criticism, and because licenses for clubs are often objected to/scrutinised by
police officers and local authorities. This exemplifies one of the main difficulties of
conducting research in environments where social stigma is an issue, and highlights the
advantages in employing covert methods under certain circumstances.

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5. What We Know About Lap Dancing

The UK’s first lap-dancing club, For Your Eyes Only, opened in north London in 1995.
There are now an estimated one hundred and fifty legally operating clubs in the UK,
with sixty-six registered in London alone

(Dickson, 2003).

History

In the 1950s and 60s there were strip clubs and public houses that ran ‘stripper’ evenings

in towns and cities across the UK, but it was generally seen as unacceptable to watch
women stripping, as the activity had a certain stigma attached to it (Price, 1996). The
stripping activities took place in the main area of such venues, and private liaison with
the women was not permitted.

During the 1970s, most public houses and clubs would expect the dancer to hand a jug
around to the customers for tips. In some establishments there was no obligation on the
part of the customers to pay,

and this practice still operates in some venues. The

current regime, however, means that lap dancers pay either ‘rent’ to the owner for

each shift they work, and/or a percentage of the money earned from private dances
and tips (Tyke, undated).

Private ‘VIP’ rooms were first established in lap-dance venues in the US and Canada in
the early 1990s and provoked considerable public protest because it was thought that

sex would be taking place in those rooms (Bruckert et al, 2003) Currently, the majority of
registered lap-dance club in the UK have private room facilities.

Numbers

Despite extensive research, it proved impossible to determine the precise number of
establishments in the UK that currently offer naked contact dancing as part of their
regular entertainment. The McCoy’s Guide to Adult Services

and Punternet, a site for

prostitute users to ‘compare field notes’ about individual prostitutes/sex establishments,
provide lists of lap-dancing clubs in the UK. However, they exclude: premises regulated
by entertainment licenses where lap dancing is staged informally and that might
feature a dancer on occasion; sports clubs and venues that host stag nights where lap

and pole dancers are hired regularly as special entertainment; and those operating
without an entertainment license. Women’s campaign group OBJECT
(www.object.org.uk) claims there are over three hundred lap-dancing clubs in the UK,
some of which are operating without a license.

Tyke, undated, ‘A personal account of the London Strip Scene’, available online at http://www.trashcity.org.

An annual guide to the off-street sex industry in the UK and Ireland.

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Locations

Clubs are mainly located in city/town centres, with a minority in residential areas.
However, pubs and other venues that host occasional ‘shows’ are often situated in or
near residential areas.

The Ultimate Strip Club website (http://www.tuscl.com/sc-Listings) and Trash City

(http://www.trashcity.org) identify clubs in 74 localities across England, Wales, and
Scotland:

Alderly Edge

Aberdeen

Abingdon
Aylesbury

Birmingham
Blackpool

Bolton

Bootle
Bournemouth

Brighton & Hove

Bristol
Cardiff

Chatham

Chester
Cheshire

Cheshunt

Derby
Doncaster

Dunstable

Dudley
Edinburgh

Glasgow

Great Yarmouth
Halifax

Halstead

Harrogate
Hayes

Heathrow

Hove
Huddersfield

Hull
Isle of Man

Leeds

Leicester
Lincoln

Leighton Buzzard

Liverpool
London

Luton

Maidstone
Manchester

Milton Keynes

Newcastle

Nottingham

Northampton

Norwich
Oxford

Plymouth
Portsmouth

Preston

Purfleet
Redcar

Reading

Rochester
Rotherham

Salisbury

Scarborough
Skegness

Sheffield

Slough
Southampton

Southend

Stockport
Stockton

Stoke-On-Trent

Swindon
Surrey

Uxbridge

Watford
Wigan

Windsor

West Bromwich
Weston Super Mare

Workington

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Previous Research

There has been very little specific research to date conducted into lap dancing, or lap-
dancing clubs, in the UK. Additionally, most research on the topic is problematic in that
the samples of interviewees are relatively small, and the studies are, in the main,

unscientific.

For the purposes of this research, fourteen studies from the UK, US, Canada, Australia
and Hawaii, and forty press reports from those accessed on electronic libraries and Lexis
Nexis, were selected for analysis; these were supplemented by papers on stripping. The

key themes that the selected studies focused on were:

•

Perspectives of the dancers

•

Effects on communities

•

Legal/licensing issues

•

Customers

Key findings from the range of material accessed are summarised below with respect to
these four areas.

Dancers’ Perspectives

Three of the publications that were examined explored dancer-customer dynamics
from the perspective of the dancers, with a particular focus on the elements of fantasy
and illusion. Gantt (2002) describes the relationship between dancer and customer as a

form of ‘counterfeit intimacy’, and focuses on how dancers create an illusion of being
attracted to the customers in order to gain advantage of them, both financially and
behaviourally. Based on open-ended interviews with two ‘exotic dancers’, the author
argues that the dancers’ sense of control over their surroundings and the customers

gives them a sense of agency and power.

Pasko (2002) also examines the dancer-customer interaction using participant
observation. The author used three main methods to gather data: working as a stripper
in a Hawaii club; conducting thirteen informal interviews with other dancers; and posing

as a customer and visiting the club in order to observe behaviour and interactions.
Although the author concedes that strippers can have control over customers by
providing them with their ‘fantasy illusion’, she concludes that stripping has ‘outcomes
of psychological…stigmatisation and potential victimisation’ (ibid, p 64).

Holsopple (1998) focuses on violence and abuse towards dancers in the US strip scene,
drawing on interviews with eighteen strippers. She found that all the dancers had
suffered verbal harassment, and both physical and sexual abuse whilst working.
Holsopple also found that all the women had been propositioned for prostitution, and

that three-quarters had been stalked by men associated with the strip club.

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In a personal reflection on the UK strip club scene Tyke (2002) maintains that many of
the strippers being recruited into lap dancing in the mid-1990s:

…were not so sure that the long late hours, need to hustle, constant rejections

and lack of friendly faces were worth the odd admittedly very lucrative night
when the place was busy.

Public Opinion on Local Impact

Other studies focus on public opinion, specifically on whether lap dancing and stripping
have an effect on gender relations and violence and abuse of women. Following the
opening of Spearmint Rhino in Sheffield City Centre, Lewis (2002) conducted a straw
poll of twenty-seven women living and working nearby. Interviewees were asked their

opinion on links between lap dancing and prostitution, its effects on relationships
between men and women, effects of the club on the area and the sexual
objectification of women. The majority of women did not support the club, and
believed it had a detrimental effect on women, men’s attitudes and the community.

A report by the Lillith Project (2002) focused on seven lap-dance clubs in the London
borough of Camden. It concludes that the existence of lap-dancing clubs has a
negative effect on the community, that areas where lap-dance clubs operate have
become ‘no-go’ for women who feel uncomfortable walking by, and that men have

been harassed by personnel offering them sexual services

Customers

Frank (2003) focuses on customers in the US in an ethnographic study spanning seven
years. She gathered the data through participatory observation, and in-depth

interviews with thirty customers in five strip clubs, and ‘hundreds’ of semi-structured
interviews with customers, staff and dancers. Research questions concentrated on the
reasons why men became customers, what they get out of the experience and how
they relate to the dancers. Frank concludes that men’s desire for commercial sexual
interaction is a consequence of masculinity and male power, in that the women are

viewed as commodified sexual objects.

Report of Director, Environmental Health Department, March 2002, section 3.4.

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6. Legal Context

Lap-dance clubs have come under local authority and police scrutiny in previous years.
One issue that has been the subject of debate is how such clubs are licensed. In
addition, a number of challenged license applications have highlighted inconsistency

in applying licensing conditions to the clubs and, in some cases, criminal activity
associated with them.

Licensing

Lap dance clubs, like other establishments, which sell alcohol on the premises, are
currently covered by a Public Entertainment License (PEL). The Licensing Board of the

local authority is responsible for granting the PEL and any subsequent conditions.

Police prepare an initial report for the Board which covers concerns re the applicant
e.g. criminal record, pending charges if serious and relevant, concerns over the set up
of the business including Directors in the case of a Limited Company, concerns about

applicant acting as a front for another who would gain from the business and concerns
about public order and safety. The Police monitor the establishment once a licence is
awarded and investigate concerns or complaints from a local authority, local police
force, business or member of the public. Reports are also provided to the Licensing
Board by Building Control, Environmental Health and the Fire Service and cover

evacuation procedures, overcrowding etc.

The Licensing Board has the power to impose conditions, which are enforceable in the
criminal court.

There are no standard conditions attached to entertainment licences to regulate 'adult
entertainment' in the UK. These venues are licensed under a Public Entertainment
License (PEL), in the way that a public house would be, rather than as sex
establishments. However, there are restrictions imposed by the licensing board on each

club, which are enforceable by criminal law. The conditions are outlined in the table
below.

Local Authorities can impose conditions on a sex shop or sex establishment regarding

advertising but are more limited in relation to Public Entertainment Licences. Venues
such as sex shops are likely to have conditions that prevent the use of any external
written sign or other visual representation to indicate that forms of nudity take place at
the club. However, lap dancing clubs advertise prolifically on billboards, taxis and flyers
that are widely distributed.

Opinion is divided regarding how lap-dance and strip clubs should be defined, and
consequently licensed (as outlined in Section 5) club owners tend to argue that lap-
dance clubs are not part of the sex industry, and that they should, therefore, be

licensed as public entertainment, whereas others consider them to be sex
establishments and claim they should be licensed as such. Premises licensed as sex
establishments are commonly outlets such as cinemas and shops.

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There are distinct advantages for club owners to be licensed under a Sex Shop licence
(Scotland) Sex Establishment License (England and Wales), rather than a Public

Entertainment Licence. The cost of a SEL in Westminster, for example, is £28,531 as
opposed to £8451 for a PEL. Some London local authorities enforce the requirement for
lap dance clubs to hold a SEL in order to stunt the growth of such premises, including
the escalation of 'peep show' type premises. Magistrates in one case regarding

licensing such premises held that:

Lewd sexual displays by young naked or semi naked women gyrating to music whilst
caressing their breasts or vagina's was not Music and Dancing or Public Entertainment
(Willowcell Ltd v Westminster City Council, 1995).

Although the above-mentioned case refers to activity in a 'peep show' establishment, it
could be asked how establishments such as those visited for the purposes of this study
conduct their business whilst operating on a PEL, as the activities described above were

seen to take place in the clubs visited.

Tension between law enforcers and licensing boards usually rests on the lack of
concrete special conditions. As one police officer said:

The sorts of license conditions that we like to see are no physical contact. In the
early period there was a three-foot rule, but it was too difficult to impose. The girls
are competing for financial reward, and one girl offers a bit more, and it carries
on, then you're in the realms of prostitution and all sorts of problems (Interview,
CO14, August 2004).

However, there are those who argue that the inconsistency of licensing boards
imposing special conditions means that club owners are often 'unclear' as to what is
acceptable or not.

Indecency is a vague concept. Our client [the owner of a chain of lap-dance
clubs] is never in trouble in the US, because everything is written down and
applies across the board. But in Birmingham for instance, he could be in trouble
for a dancer taking his clothes off. Different police forces apply different

standards. It is enormously inconsistent (Interview, club lawyer, August 2004).

There are no legal restrictions on full nudity during one-to-one dances, but there are
limitations on the level of physical contact permitted between the dancers and

customers during a private or table dance, and in the public area. Whilst the dancer is
sitting talking to one or more customers, or when leading them into the private areas,
she is allowed to hold the customer’s hand.

Licensing regulation has proved contentious for law enforcers, members of the public,

women’s organisations and club owners. Paradoxically, what those both supporting
and opposing the clubs tend to agree upon is that the licensing regimes are
inconsistent and often unclear. It could also be argued that there is a problem with
implementation. As with the sex industry in general, there is scant monitoring of the

regulation of lap dancing. Lack of resources is sometimes cited as a reason for failing to

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rigorously check that rules are being adhered to. A police officer overseeing licensing
conditions in one London borough explained that:

Some of the boroughs in the suburbs of London don’t have as much to spend on
licensing, so some of the time they think if we put conditions on these licenses
we’ve got to check them, and we don’t have the resources to do that. And they
can’t afford to pay for the prosecutions if the rules are broken (CO14 Interview,

July 2004).

Breaching Licensing Regulations and Club Rules

None of the clubs/pub visited for this study fully adhered to the licensing conditions
described above. The left-hand column on the table below lists a model set of special

conditions agreed between the Metropolitan Clubs and Vice Unit, and Spearmint
Rhino, Tottenham Court Road, London. The ticks and crosses indicate whether the other
clubs adhere to these conditions

. Legs & Co has no special conditions attached to its

license:

Table 2: Licensing conditions

Special Conditions

Spearmint

Rhino

Seventh

Heaven

Truffle

Club

Diamond

Dolls

Legs’ n’

Flying

Scotsman

Only dancers engaged

by the company can
perform striptease

√

No special

conditions

Not

known

All performers to be
provided with code of

conduct

√

Not

Known

Not

Known

Not

Known

No special

conditions Not Known

Table dancing to be

performed only in

designated areas

√

No special

conditions

Not Known

No striptease at bar or

to standing customers

√

Not

Known

Not

Known

Not

Known

No special

conditions

No physical contact

during dance

√

X X X

No special

conditions

Notice telling customers

the above on tables
and entrance to club

√

No special

conditions

√

It was not possible to ascertain whether clubs other than Spearmint Rhino and Legs’ n’ Co have any special conditions

or agreed code of conduct. Therefore, the table indicates whether a) the club has those conditions attached to its
license and/or b) if they appeared to be adhered to during the club visits

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Special Conditions

Spearmint

Rhino

Seventh

Heaven

Truffle

Club

Diamond

Dolls

Legs’ n’

Flying

Scotsman

No dancing with other

dancers

√

Not

Known

Not

Known

Not

Known

No Special

conditions

Not

Known

Dancers remain

standing

√

Not

Known

Not

Known

Not

Known

No special

conditions

Not

Known

Re-dress at conclusion

of dance

√

No special

conditions

√

No under-18s permitted
in club

√

No special

conditions

√

Minimum numbers of
Council registered door

supervisors

√

No special

conditions

Not

Known

No dancers under 18.

Proprietor to check

documents re age, and

eligibility to work in UK

√

No special

conditions

Not

Known

Employment files to be

retained for 6 months
after employment ends

√

Not

Known

Not

Known

Not

Known

No special

conditions

Not

Known

Agencies supplying
dancers adhere to the

same rules

√

Not

Known

Not

Known

Not

Known

No special

conditions

Not

Known

Entire venue, bar

lockers, monitored by

CCTV

√

No special

conditions

Not

Known

All performers to be

given code of conduct

Not

Known

Not

Known

Not

Known

No special

conditions

Spearmint Rhino did not have the rules of the club anywhere on display, even though
the licensing agreement stipulates that ‘A notice outlining condition 5 (no physical
contact) shall be displayed at each customer’s table and at the entrance to the

premises.’ The conditions also require that the dancers fully dress at the end of each
private dance; however, it was noted that this did not always happen (see Section 5).

Ten dances were observed during the visit to The Flying Scotsman. Every dancer, during

their performances, displayed the inside of their genitalia by spreading their legs above
the customers’ heads. This seemed to be an established part of the routine. As one
customer put it:

What’s the point of seeing a strip show and not getting a bit of fanny? The fun

part is seeing her c**t. You can open The Sun if you just want tits (LC1).

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The dancers regular display of their genitalia represents a patent breach of licensing
conditions. The Flying Scotsman has a Music and Dancing Licence, and any such
premises that are likely to have nude entertainments are all subject to condition SX,

which disallows the displaying of the “genital, urinary or excretory organs at any time
while they are providing the service” (Islington Council, 2004).

At a licence renewal application for Spearmint Rhino

, police from Charing Cross Clubs

and Vice Unit disclosed intelligence gathered whilst on undercover visits. An officer told
the court he had 'grave concerns' about illegality in the club, as dancers had allowed
customers to touch them, sometimes intimately, in contravention of the club's
entertainment licence. He said that the undercover officers had been offered sex in a
private room by two dancers for £500

In 1999 a case against the proprietors of three central London Clubs was dismissed in
the High Court, where it was ruled that the club owners “could not be guilty of failing to
maintain good order, as required by their licences, if they were not aware that

prostitution was taking place”

. Plainclothes police officers had visited the three clubs

as a result of intelligence suggesting that sexual services were available. Whilst in the
club they observed women dancing in a sexually suggestive manner, who then offered
the officers sex at a venue outside the club on the condition that they purchased two
bottles of champagne at £80 per bottle.

There are a number of reasons, however, why it may not be advantageous to local
licensing boards to further restrict the conditions in which these clubs are allowed to
operate. In a paper on the licensing policies and regulations of lap-dance clubs, it is
argued that:

In developing and planning and licensing policies, and in taking specific
decisions concerning lap-dancing clubs, local authorities have taken account of
a range of issues and pressures. Some local authorities clearly recognise that lap

dancing clubs can bring economic benefits to the local area and help to
diversify its economy (Jones et al, 2003).

The authors also point out that in London boroughs, such as Westminster, nightlife
attractions, including lap-dancing clubs, ‘are part of the character of the ‘West End’’

and are, as such, a helping to maintain the image of a ‘world city’ (ibid, p 216).

The Scottish Executive has been accused of failing to properly assist local authorities in
licensing issues. Councillor Coleman, deputy leader of Glasgow City Council and

responsible for social inclusion issues, explains that:

The City Council has asked the Scottish Executive that the Civic Government Act
be amended so that lap dance clubs are categorised the same as sex shops,
but they have refused (Interview, May 2004).

Tottenham Court Road, London branch.

Sherna Noah, 2003, ‘Lap dancing club warned over ‘indecent acts’’, Press Association, March 14.

Michael Horsnell, 1999,‘Clubs cleared over offers of sex’, Times Newspapers Limited, February 13.

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Tribunals

There have been a number of complaints taken out by former employees of lap
dancing clubs, including one dancer who was found by an employment tribunal to
have “suffered sexual discrimination and hurt feelings”

. A head waitress at Spearmint

Rhino, London, took the company to a tribunal when told by the manager she was not
allowed to cover her noticeably pregnant stomach with a white shirt, but had to
continue to wear her revealing waistcoat. She was awarded £60,000 for sexual
discrimination, breach of contract and hurt feelings. The waitress told the tribunal that
the club operated under a 'culture of discrimination' and displayed a 'lack of respect'

for women who worked there.

During another tribunal hearing lost by Spearmint Rhino, a former manager at the
chain, Lee Freer, claimed he saw a pole dancer perform oral sex on a co-owner of the

club, in a private booth. The former manager said sexual relationships between bosses
at Spearmint Rhino branches and the lap dancers were commonplace, as was the sale
and consumption of illegal drugs

A female employee of investment bank, Schroeder Securities, took the firm to an

employment tribunal on the ground of sexual discrimination in 2003. Part of her case
against the bank was the regular trips by male colleagues to lap-dancing clubs,
resulting in the firm having a “laddish or sexist air”.

Police Investigations

Police forces have conducted a number of investigations into misconduct and criminal
activity within lap-dancing clubs during the last eight years. In 1997, three Lithuanian

women were deported after being trafficked into the UK to work in an Edinburgh lap-
dancing club

In the same year, the owner of Scotland's first lap-dancing club, The Fantasy Bar, was
charged with rape, brothel keeping and living off illegal earnings. The local police force

unsuccessfully applied for a suspension of the club’s license on the grounds that ‘the
licensee is no longer fit to hold a licence, on the grounds of public safety’.

David Graves, 2002, ‘£60,000 for pregnant lap-dance waitress’, The Daily Telegraph, February 06.

Rebecca Mowling and Mark Wilkinson, 2003, ‘Drugs and sex sold at Spearmint Club’, The Evening Standard,

September 2.

http://www.lawyer2b.com/archive/TL2BARCHIVEi3_feature.story1.asp.

Stephen Rafferty, 1997, ‘Euro Hookers Caught in Vice Swoop: International smuggling ring in prostitutes smashed by

police’, Scottish Daily Record, June 2.

Conal Urquhart , 1997, ‘Sauna owner on rape charge’, The Scotsman, October 30.

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7. Lap Dance Clubs in Glasgow and London

Club visits were conducted covertly (see section 2) in order to observe and interview
the dancers, customers and staff. All four clubs in Glasgow were visited – The Truffle
Club, Seventh Heaven, Diamond Dolls and Legs’ n’ Co. In London, two clubs were

visited – Spearmint Rhino, Tottenham Court Road branch, and The Flying Scotsman

Description of Clubs

With the exception of The Flying Scotsman, a small public house hosting stripping, the
clubs were fairly standard and formulaic. The seating was usually divided into sections,
with banquettes in the main club area, elevated seating (in the case of Seventh
Heaven) set back from the main area, and further seating near the poles and cages

where dancers perform. One dancer referred to this area as “the erection zone” (GD1).

All clubs promised ‘luxury’ in their advertising, and appealed to potential clientele as a
‘better class’ of person than those who frequent strip clubs, for example, by using the
term ‘gentlemen’s club’. Diamond Dolls appeals to potential customers thus:

Let us take you on a journey of unexpected delights that will stimulate the
imagination and tantalise the senses. Beautiful entertainers from around the
world taking it off just for you (Club website)

The Truffle Club also promotes itself as a luxurious, high-class environment:

Enter a world of beauty, sophistication and style where you can enjoy the
opulent surroundings whilst sampling from our extensive selection of fine wines,

champagnes, quality cigars and something more, all served to your table (Club
website)

Most of the clubs visited were extensively mirrored. The mirrors reflect both multiple
images of the dancers and that of the audience as they watch. Photographs of semi-

naked women add to the decor.

In reality, the promotion of the clubs as sophisticated and glamorous is questionable.
The dancers appear to try hard to create an atmosphere of relaxation by lighting

customers’ cigarettes, passing their drinks, and generally tending to them whilst they are
in the club. However, the result can be a sense of what one writer has described as
‘counterfeit intimacy’ (Erickson and Tewsbury, p272). The luxury of the surroundings
provides the illusion that lap-dancing clubs are not strip clubs, and yet the only
entertainment available in the establishments visited was stripping and pole dancing.

The Flying Scotsman, though a public house, stages ‘striptease shows’ seven days a
week. The dancers are paid in tips only after each performance by means of a jug

The Flying Scotsman is licensed as a public house, but with the same conditions as Spearmint Rhino with respect to

conduct with the dancers/strippers.

http://www.diamond-dolls.co.uk/diamond.htm.

http://www.thetruffleclub.co.uk/_page_club.html.

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collection. The dancers do a full strip lasting approximately three to four minutes, whilst
customers stand around the stage observing.

Organisation and Management

Information regarding the organisation of the clubs was difficult to obtain. The dancers
appeared to know very little, and the managers were, as a rule, reticent to provide
information, especially with respect to the financial arrangements between the
dancers and the owners.

General Observations

All clubs visited had a housemother who was responsible for direct management of the
dancers. For many, this was the closest they got to management, and only a proportion

of those asked actually knew who owned the club

. Housemothers, who are likely to

be, or have previously been, dancers themselves, are responsible for: signing the
dancers in for their shifts; inspecting the dancers’ clothing and general appearance;
collecting the house fee; and all other personnel matters pertaining to the dancers. The
appointed manager controls the security staff.

Several of the dancers reported that they were sent text messages by the
‘management’ on the days they were needed to work. One dancer noted (GD2) that
this meant she could not arrange other work, either in clubs or elsewhere. All dancers
interviewed paid money to the owners in order to rent a space to dance; the amount

varied across the clubs. Although the women are self-employed, they are required to
perform pole and cabaret dances in the main club area at the request of
management.

Security and Club Rules

Although door staff are required to explain club rules to customers on arrival, this did not
happen at all clubs, for example, at Spearmint Rhino in London. All Glasgow clubs
verbally outlined rules at the door before entering. However, a dancer at Seventh
Heaven (GD5) said: “They [customers] sometimes get told what they can and can’t do,

but sometimes, if it’s a big group (and they are the worst) the security can’t be
bothered”. General rules consistent across clubs were:

•

No touching the dancers

•

No use of cameras, including those on mobile telephones

•

No abusive behaviour

•

No drugs or weapons

In one Glasgow club, there were no security staff in the private dance area or VIP

room, although the club rules stipulate that dancers are supposed to be accompanied
by a bouncer throughout the session. However, out of the four clubs in Glasgow, only
one strictly adhered to this policy.

It was considered that asking about the club owners might raise suspicion, therefore it was only discussed with those

who raised the issue.

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All four Glasgow clubs allowed the ‘no touching’ rule to be broken. One dancer (GD9)
explained, “When I first started working here the rules were always strict. Now the
customers get away with much more, because the bosses know the police aren’t

watching”.

There is also evidence of negligent security from former staff members. In 2003, a former
security chief at the Spearmint Rhino club in Uxbridge, West London, Johnny Singh,

gave evidence at a tribunal stating that management at the club took the attitude
that:

Anything went as long as it made money…bosses turned a blind eye to girls
fondling each other on stage, groping men and committing sex acts. During my

time there, I saw constant drug abuse, prostitution and sexual misconduct. I
couldn't do anything to stop it.

Club management tend to place responsibility for the breaking of house rules solely on

the dancers. A dancer at Seventh Heaven explained:

If management turns a blind eye to some of the girls getting away with things,
and then someone else tries it who they don’t like so much, they come down
hard on her (DG1).

A bouncer at a Glasgow club said during interview, “I throw at least one guy out every
shift, usually for getting fresh with the dancers” (GS4).

Throughout the visit to Spearmint Rhino, at least one visible security guard was in the

main body of the club, and one in the lobby. It was noted that there was a security
guard present in the private dance area, but no evidence of security cameras. There
was also a member of staff in the men’s toilets, but it was unclear whether or not this
was for security purposes, as he was handing out towels and soap and asked each

customer for a tip on their way out.

VIP and Private Rooms

If anything’s going to go wrong, it will be in the VIP or private rooms. You have to
trust the integrity of the person who is in charge of security, but you can never be
sure a blind eye is not going to be turned.

Most venues have a VIP room, because it promotes intrigue to the customer who
will go there and maybe look for something more, because of the secrecy
(Police officer, interview, August 2004).

In some lap-dancing clubs customers are offered ‘table dances’ (see Section 1), but

the majority of one-to-one dances are conducted in a curtained-off area, sometimes
with booths. VIP rooms are distinct from ‘private dance areas’. Services on offer here,

Sara Nuwar, 2003, ‘Sex and Drugs... For Sale: Security Boss Lifts the Lid on Sleazy World of Celebrity Stripclubs’, Sunday

Mirror, September 14.

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according to several dancers and customers in both the Glasgow and London clubs,
include complimentary champagne, continual ‘intimate’ dancing for up to one hour,
comfortable sofas for the customers, chatting and, according to one customer (GC5)

in a Glasgow club, “full sex for £200”.

Apart from at Legs’ n’ Co, there appeared to be minimal security measures in the
private dance areas. In general, ‘private’ areas are not completely private. It is usually

possible to see, at least partially, other dancers and customers, depending on the
particular seating arrangements. As the manager of Club Crème in Bristol explained:

We have curtains that are drawn around the pole. You can see through it, but it
gives the customer the illusion that it’s a private dance, but it absolutely isn’t.

There is only one reason why you have a cubicle. It’s because touching is going
on and all sorts (Interview, July 2004).

The private dance is the only legitimate way for the dancers to make money in the

clubs. The intermittent ‘cabaret’, and individual pole dances by selected dancers that
take place in the main club area, serve only to advertise the dancers and entertain
customers. The dancers are not paid for these activities. In Diamond Dolls and The
Truffle Club, some dancers were observed pulling men up from their chairs and into the
private area; on both occasions the customers were protesting that they did not wish to

pay for a private dance. Dancers feel pressurised to secure dances with as many of the
customers as possible, especially if they are in debt to the club. The ‘house fee’ ranges
from £35 to £85 per night in Glasgow, and from £85 to £100 in Spearmint Rhino. There is
no guarantee, even on busy nights, that the dancers will earn enough to cover their
costs, let alone generate income.

Legs’ n’ Co is a small club with a tiny stage. On the night it was observed that there
were at least 30 dancers working, and only 40 to 50 customers at the busiest time.
Competition amongst the dancers was high. Douglas Moffatt, the owner, claimed that

“it is difficult finding decent girls to dance even now, and that could become
impossible with other clubs opening. We have already reached saturation point”
(Interview, June 2004).

All four clubs in Glasgow had at least one VIP room where customers could buy
between fifteen minutes and half an hour of the dancers’ time in total seclusion. Terms

and conditions for using the rooms varied. At The Truffle Club three of the dancers
spoke of the ‘private room’ upstairs that had no cameras or security, “Just me and you”
(GD5). Rates were £55 for fifteen minutes, and services on offer in the VIP room included
fully nude dancing or “just a chat”.

A member of staff (GS2) at Diamond Dolls stated that there was no prostitution allowed
in the VIP room, but revised her story later in the evening, and disclosed that the security
staff ‘turn a blind eye’ when certain dancers go into the room with a customer.

The VIP room at Legs’ n’ Co was supervised by a security guard, who remained in the
room when it was being used. However, one of the dancers said that there were “two
or three” women who were known to offer sexual services, and that when these women
used the room there was no security. The room had no CCTV camera. Observation

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revealed that the room contained a small bowl filled with several mixed condoms.
During the course of the evening eight individual men used the VIP room.

Three dancers at the club offered information about the VIP suite in Spearmint Rhino.
One dancer asked if her companion would be interested in “some proper privacy and
special attention” (LD1), but did not mention sexual services.

The Spearmint Rhino Code of Conduct for Dancers, drawn up by the Charing Cross
Police Clubs and Vice Unit and agreed by the club, stipulates that the dancer must
dress between each dance. There was evidence that this does not always happen. For
instance, one customer claimed that he observed two dancers move from one dance
to the next without putting any clothing on (LC1).

All three dancers interviewed at Spearmint Rhino offered information about the VIP
suite there. One dancer asked the researcher if her companion would be interested in
“some proper privacy and special attention” (LD1), but did not mention sexual services.

The other two dancers discussed it in the context of the various ways in which they
made their money in the club. There was no private room used by customers or
dancers at the Flying Scotsman.

A legal representative of several lap-dance clubs in the UK described how VIP rooms

are sometimes used for ‘role play’.

I have some clients where in their clubs they have separate rooms set up as
fantasy – maybe into an office where the girls will dress up as a secretary and the
guys sit behind a business desk. These guys leave thinking the women adore

them. If you’re a middle-aged overweight guy having trouble with their wives
and kids, then this can be great for them (Interview, August 2004).

Working Conditions

None of the dancers interviewed in the Glasgow clubs were satisfied with their working
conditions. No club had a dedicated dressing room for the dancers, nor did they
provide facilities for refreshments away from the public areas. In Legs’ n’ Co, the

women’s toilets were used as the staff/dressing room. In The Truffle Club, one dancer
complained that the dressing area was open to male members of staff, who would
walk in and out during the course of the evening. There were no water coolers or
fridges in which to keep drinks, even though this is a condition of the license for Seventh

Heaven, Diamond Dolls and The Truffle Club. As a result, the dancers have to purchase
drinks from the bar at full price.

In The Truffle Club, three of the dancers complained about being very cold because of
the vigorous air conditioning, and the fact that they were required to wear minimal

clothing, whereas in Legs’ n’ Co two of the women said they were regularly too hot
because the club was poorly ventilated and sometimes overcrowded.

The dancers interviewed at Spearmint Rhino said they were satisfied with the working

conditions, while those interviewed at The Flying Scotsman were not. One dancer (LD4)

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explained that the women had to change clothing in the bar area, next to the stage.
There was no staff room, and the stage was partly visible from the street.

At the Flying Scotsman the dancers do not have access to a dressing room and are
expected to change clothes on the stairs behind the stage. There is no air conditioning
or access to drinking water. One dancer admitted, “It’s a shit place to work. You know
you’ve sunk low” (LD4). However, later in the evening, she said she would far rather

work at a strip club than in lap-dancing clubs because:

You have to sit there all night with some sweaty bloke trying to paw you, and
make out he’s God’s gift. It’s really hard keeping that smile on your face when
he’s talking about the most boring things. It really feels like prostitution, whereas

this is more straightforward (LD5).

Terms of Employment

All dancers in lap-dance clubs are self-employed, relying on tips and income from
private dances. Dancers pay between £35 and £100 per night to the club

management for ‘rent’ of the facilities

, such as the poles, cabaret areas, private

dance booths and VIP suites. Weekend rates are higher, and there are sometimes other
conditions imposed. For example, The Truffle Club management reserve the right to
increase the rate by £10 if the club is especially busy. All of the women interviewed

reported that they had often lost money by working at the club when their earnings
failed to cover rent, clothing, travel, drinks and childcare. Some club owners allow debt
to accumulate, which can leave the dancers desperate to ‘catch up’. As one dancer
put it, “Although some of the girls – the really pretty ones who are well-stacked – can
make a fortune at times, most of them struggle to make a proper wage” (GD1).

In addition to daily expenses, dancers at the four Glasgow clubs, and Spearmint Rhino,
London, are advised to purchase specialist clothing from an individual visiting the club
who runs her own business

. In at least one club, the women are explicitly told that they

should not buy clothes from anywhere else or make their own, in case they do not fit
the ‘house style’. Most clubs also specify particular shoes that several of the women
refer to as ‘porn shoes’. They are tall platforms with spiked heels that are apparently
‘very uncomfortable’ to dance in.

Interestingly, Club Crème in Bristol, which recognises the GMB branch for dancers, has a
different regime:

We only take £10 a night from the girls, whereas a lot of the clubs are taking a

huge amount of commission. I think the cost should be capped. If they want to,
then they can pay us a commission of 15 per cent rather than the £10 per night
(Interview with manager, July 2004).

This manager also encourages the dancers to access the club’s accountant to ensure

that their finances are in order, and their money properly managed:

This can be as high as £100 in some London clubs.

This did not appear to be the case at The Flying Scotsman.

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Then the girls are eligible for mortgages and be responsible. It’s about not using
and abusing them (ibid).

Interestingly, at Lap Attack, the first UK lap-dancing club for women featuring male
dancers, the dancers chosen to do a performance before private dances go on sale
are paid a set fee.

Further problems identified by the dancers interviewed ranged from threats of physical
violence from customers and demands for sex, to practical health and safety issues. The
lighting is poor in some clubs, changing rooms are overcrowded and the poles that
they touch and dance around are often cleaned with detergents that irritate the skin,
causing minor burns (Interview, GMB, May 2004).

All four clubs in Glasgow have in-house rules regarding the type of clothing worn by the
dancers at certain times of the evening. At The Truffle Club and Legs’ n’ Co, the
dancers have to change at a certain time in the evening, from ‘long clothing’

into

‘short’, which means changing from extremely revealing clothing with some kind of
long train, into hotpants, bikinis, schoolgirl and nurses uniforms. Many of the dancers
were convinced that these are rules imposed by the licensing boards, rather than club
owners. One dancer commented that “The council (sic) make us wear longer clothes
that cover up more earlier in the evening.” In fact, these rules are imposed by

management. There was no evidence of these dressing rules at Spearmint Rhino or The
Flying Scotsman.

Two of the dancers stated that management regularly chose their outfits, and that they
were given no choice about wearing them. “I have two children, who I have to support

by doing this. I feel really yucky prancing around in a school uniform, because I feel I’m
encouraging perverts who come to the club to abuse children” (GD13). A dancer at
Seventh Heaven commented that there was undue pressure on the dancers to “…look
like sluts. They want us to dress like real tarts, and we are told to show as much ‘tits and

arse’ as possible” (GD4).

In The Flying Scotsman, London, the women rely on tips collected in a glass immediately
after a dance. Customers were observed tipping between 20 pence and one pound.
As one customer, who said he visits a number of strip and lap dance clubs in central

and east London, explained:

The girls work two or three clubs and pubs a night. They earn about £5 a dance
here if it’s a good night, and are on about four times a shift (LC1).

Unionisation

In 2001, ‘erotic dancers’, and others working in the sex industry, were invited to join the
GMB. The GMB has adopted the International Union of Sex Workers (IUSW) definition of
‘sex workers’, which encompasses “any worker who used their body and/or their

sexuality to earn a living”. The ‘sex workers’ branch has approximately 150 members,
mainly lap and table dancers. The union has signed recognition agreements with two

The researcher visited the club on two occasions for the purpose of other research.

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lap-dancing clubs

, and maintains that working conditions and terms of employment

have since improved. Codes of conduct and grievance procedures have been
introduced, and union representatives have been elected within those two clubs. The

GMB collaborated with the IUSW in drawing up a code of conduct for table dancers,
health and safety issues and guidance on how to implement grievance procedures
against management and employees.

The GMB identifies the most commonly raised issues by the women as: inadequate
changing areas; break times; sexual harassment; repetitive strain injury and back
problems; and chemical rashes (caused by the cleaning agent used to clean the
pole). The GMB is also concerned to put measures in place that would enable the
dancers to identify customers and clubs with reputations for violence, abuse, coercion

and exploitation.

There is opposition within the industry to unionising dancers. A representative of GMB
London, explained, “It is not something that the club owners could have dreamed up.

The majority are not used to thinking about the dancer’s rights at all” (Interview, May
2004).

The manager of Majingo’s, commented:

It’s funny, but when we first took up with the GMB, a lot of the girls wanted to join.
It’s almost worked against the GMB now, because the girls are not that bothered
[to join a union] because they know they get treated properly here. There are
benefits though. I’m about to ask the GMB to send a rep down here for the
dancers’ meeting (Interview, May 2004).

The manager of Club Crème was deeply critical of clubs who resist unionisation:

Often a club owner will think – ‘I’m sick of these girls, let’s get a whole new lot in’,

whereas the girls will have no say in it. That’s not fair. I want to liase with other
club owners so that if girls want to relocate, we can give them a list of clubs
where she can go and apply. We can give you a reference, and they know they
can go somewhere safe. Therefore we can all get a new turnover of girls and
everyone’s happy (Interview, July 2004).

She was also concerned about the lack of rights and protection afforded to the
dancers in a largely unregulated industry:

When the local authority looks at giving a license they look at the premises, the
person holding the license, and health and safety. It’s the only industry where the
people working there are completely ignored, and have no employment rights.
I’m trying to make employment standards part of the license conditions (ibid).

The issue of unionisation of lap dancers is, on one level, a complicated one. For those
who argue that ‘erotic dancing’ is adult entertainment, and not a sexual service, this
group of ‘workers’ should have access to the same level of employment rights and

Manjingo’s in London and Club Crème in Bristol.

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protection as workers in other sections of the economy. An alternative position,
however, is that lap-dancing clubs are part of the sex industry, and that, contrary to the
view held by organisations such as the IUSW, lap dancing does not constitute

‘legitimate work’. Unionisation of any aspect of the ‘sex industry’ would legitimise the
club owners, customers and clubs themselves.

There is little doubt that improving working conditions and contractual arrangements for

the dancers would, nevertheless, be of benefit, at least in the short term.

Coercion

From the observations and interviews conducted for this study there was no evidence
of direct coercion of the dancers by management into working in the club, or providing

sexual services. However, a number of factors contribute to the possibility of the
dancers being pressurised into offering, or agreeing to, sexual services without direct
instruction from management. Many agree

that as more clubs open, competition

becomes fierce, which can result in the dancers adopting more proactive strategies in
order to persuade customers to purchase private dances.

Dancers and former dancers in the UK and US have spoken of their experiences of
levels of coercion involved in the lap-dance industry. ‘Megan’

(not her real name)

was interviewed as part of a study on lap dancing by the Lillith project (Lillith 2003). She

discussed the tactics used by the management of the club she worked in:

We were seen as belonging to the club. Drugs were available if you wanted
them…We were offered ‘other work’. I was offered £700 to do one night at
Stringfellows, with ‘some clothing’. Girls would tolerate hassle to a point and

didn’t make a fuss (Lillith, 2002).

Kelly Holsopple, a former stripper in the US who interviewed 18 dancers, also found
evidence of violence and coercion towards the women.

Men associated with strip clubs use force and coercion to establish sexual
contact with women in stripping, proposition women for prostitution, intentionally
inflict bodily harm on the women, and expose themselves to the women (1998).

However, there are those who argue that the dancers are in control of their ‘working
lives’ and practice agency within their work (Gantt, 2002).

See Julie Bindel, 2003, ‘ Sex workers are different’, The Guardian, July 7, and Ana Lopes and Callum Macrae, 2003, ‘The

oldest profession’, The Guardian, July 25.

The owner of The Truffle Club stated that all four club owners in Glasgow were opposing the two license applications

recently submitted to the licensing board, because this would cause a ‘saturation’.

Cited in Lillith, 2003, The Truth about Strip Joints.

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Views and Perspectives

Club Owners/Managers and Staff

Six club owners/managers were interviewed, and one member of security staff.
Additionally, bar staff were spoken to, on two occasions at length, during club visits.
One bouncer agreed to give an interview, but asked not to be named. Club
owners/managers tended to be cautious, apart from the two with unionised dancers.

The former manager of For Your Eyes Only, the UK’s first lap dancing club, was also
interviewed in order to clarify the historical context of the trade.

All club owners denied that the lap dancing business was part of the sex industry, but

all, without exception, accused other club owners of running disreputable clubs offering
sexual services. Their own clubs, in contrast, were seen as part of the leisure industry.

One owner was critical of the way other clubs are run, and believed he treated his
dancers with respect:

What you’ve got to understand is that running girls [the dancers] is not as easy as
people think. They’re like cats – more intelligent that you think, but sly with it.
Mind you, treat them well and they’ll stick with you (Interview, May 2004).

The manager of Diamond Dolls, Glasgow, was opposed to the opening of more clubs in
the city, and claimed that the other three clubs were in agreement with him.

If a man wants to go to a lap dance club he’s got plenty of good quality ones to

choose from. If you open up more clubs, they might not be as well run, and
irregularities might occur (Interview, May 2004).

Dancers

During an observational visit to The Truffle Club, GD1 stated that she was pleased to
have a female customer to talk to. She then offered a private dance, explaining that
dancers assume that any women in the club are curious about sexual contact with

another woman, and consider lap-dancing clubs to be safe and easy environments
within which to ‘experiment’. Private dances in all four clubs in Glasgow were offered
by between one and four women, who generally said that dancing for women was
preferable to being ‘groped by sweaty men’ (GD9).

Nine of the Glasgow dancers said they were students, dancing to finance their studies.
However, there was some doubt, since almost all became very confused and
inconsistent when asked about their courses. One dancer was a single mother unable
to get other work, and two said they did it to expand their talents in dance and

performance, hoping it might lead to entry into the mainstream entertainment industry.

Two of the ‘students’ also did ‘glamour modelling’ and said there were other dancers
who did this. GD5 explained that the club owners encouraged the women to model for
‘adult’ publications, as it is good for business. “If my picture is in the Sunday Sport and it

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says I work at a certain club, the men who like the look of me might decide to come
and see me in the flesh. Therefore, the club only allows you to do it if you can
guarantee mentioning the club” (GD2).

One woman talked about being “pressurised” into glamour modelling by
management. She also spoke of “some of the girls” being upset at discovering that
photographs of them had been used to advertise the club without their knowledge or

consent (GD15). There was also evidence of some customers having used their mobile
telephone cameras to take pictures of the women whilst naked. A member of security
staff in Legs and Co explained the ‘no mobile telephone’ rule, of the club:

Some of the blokes were taking ‘photos of the girls while they were performing,

and the girls got upset. One customer was joking he was going to put a naked
picture of her on the Internet (GS1).

All venues visited had a ban on the use of mobile telephones with cameras whilst on

the premises.

Seven of the Glasgow dancers spoke about the way their bodies were constantly
‘policed’ by the housemother and other members of staff. One dancer said:

I started to go to the gym recently to get fit. This is such an unhealthy lifestyle in
many ways. We’re drinking every night, breathing in smoke, and eating
takeaways. I was told by the housemother that I wasn’t allowed to continue,
because I was starting to develop muscles, and the men don’t like that
apparently (GD1).

One dancer said she had been expected to have breast implant surgery by the
management when she began working there. “ The housemother told me my boobs
were too small, and that I should get them seen to. I never did anything about it, but it

still hangs in the air. Sometimes the bouncers make rude comments about ‘fried eggs’”
(GD1).

A dancer at Legs’ n’ Co said that some of the dancers suffered from bulimia and/or
anorexia, and have low self-esteem. “If anyone has a tiny bit of cellulite, or is slightly

overweight, she is pulled by management and told to do something about it. That can
make you feel like shit. It’s as if they own our bodies. We’re even told when to shave our
public hair” (GD11). Six women overall across the four clubs had breast enlargement
scars under their arms.

One woman admitted there was some drug use among the dancers. “Not here, but
other in clubs I worked in, some of the women would be using cocaine or
amphetamines, either to keep their weight down, or keep awake during the night shift I
suppose” (GD11).

Although some dancers would say that their partners did not like them working in the
clubs, a number indicated they were the main breadwinners, and that their partners
suggested that they do it. One dancer from south eastern Europe explained how she

began working at Spearmint Rhino.

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We had lots of debts and he was not able to find a job, so he told me, “go and
work in a hostess club, the girls make a fortune”, so I came for an audition and

was offered the job. I don’t mind it but it’s not what I want to be doing in two
years time (LD2).

A dancer at Spearmint Rhino, London, explained the fine line she has to balance in

keeping the customer interested, without crossing too many boundaries.

It can be difficult when they are saying “will you see me outside of here?” and
you know you don’t want to, but you don’t want to offend them as they are your
meal ticket (LD2).

All three women at Spearmint Rhino identified having to “massage men’s ego’s all
evening” (LD3) as the hardest part of the job. One dancer explained:

The dancing, and even taking your clothes off, is easy. You just cut off and
become someone else. But having to plaster a smile on your face, and pretend
the men are fascinating is exhausting sometimes (LD1).

Several of the dancers used alcohol in the clubs, and in all of the clubs visited, as aside

from The Flying Scotsman, one or more dancers stated that management encouraged
the use of alcohol, primarily by making it a condition for the dancers to accept any
alcoholic drink customers offered to buy them. Thus, management are profiting from
the dancers’ alcohol use.

Customers

Oh, they’re lovely mainly. Some get a bit raucous, but they are generally

respectful. They just want to be made to feel a bit special (GD14, 10pm).

They come in all arrogant but leave like little boys. They are bastards who think
they are God’s gifts. I despise them (GD14, 1 am).

The dancers interviewed all expressed ambivalence towards the customers. Without

exception, when first asked how the customers behaved towards them, the dancers
would be very positive about them, but later in the conversation would admit to a
variety of problems in their interactions with them their comments were made
exclusively in relation to male customers. Common complaints included:

•

Drunkenness

•

Heckling during cabaret shows

•

Trying to grab the women during private dances

•

Asking for sexual services

•

Touching their own genitals

•

Trying to barter down prices for private dances

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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Although many lap-dance clubs target their advertising to the ‘corporate sector’,
mainly men employed in city finance and law firms, with the exception of one customer
in The Truffle Club, none of the twelve interviewed in Glasgow were corporate

businessmen.

The 15 customers interviewed ranged in age from eighteen to sixty. The majority were
white and living in the UK; two thirds (n=10) had partners and almost half (n=7) had

children. Nine had been to the club, or another lap-dance club, on at least one
previous occasion.

In conversation with the men the researcher was honest, saying she was bored and self-
conscious, and thought the clubs a bit ‘seedy’. All, to an extent, sought to offer

reassurance that the club was “respectable” in the words of one customer, and “just a
bit of fun – won’t harm anyone” from another.

Alcohol consumption was high amongst a significant proportion of the customers in all

four clubs, but especially Diamond Dolls and Legs’ n’ Co, and many of them had come
there after drinking elsewhere. One customer in Diamond Dolls said he had to “get
pissed” before going to the clubs, because he did not otherwise have the confidence
to walk in. “When I’m pissed, I feel like the women are chatting to me because they
fancy me, but sober I know they wouldn’t look twice at me if I wasn’t paying them”

(GC8).

Some of the customers said they were visiting from out of town, and that hotel staff or
colleagues had recommended they visit one of the clubs. A middle-aged salesman
(GC12), at Legs’ n’ Co on his own, said he felt very uncomfortable, admitting, “Most of

these girls are young enough to be my daughter”. Despite such apparent misgivings, he
had visited the club three times, and commented that he had come across “quite a
few foreign girls from Russia or wherever.”

All twelve customers in Glasgow, and one in London, suggested going on a date with
them at some stage during the conversation. One said he had had sex with “loads of
the women”, but that it was nice to meet a “real girl” as opposed to a “siliconed
prostitute” (GC4).

During conversations, the question of why the dancers chose to lap dance for a living
frequently arose. Answers included: “because they earn a load of money” (n=6); “they
like showing off their bodies” (n=2); “they can’t get work anywhere else” (n=2); and
“they are probably prostitutes” (n=1). One said he did not know, and did not care.

When asked why they came to the club, eight said, “to watch beautiful girls”, two said,
“to relax”, two “to have sex” and three because their friend(s) wanted them to come.

No customers were interviewed at Spearmint Rhino

Two customers at The Flying Scotsman (spoken to individually) said that they did not
want to be there, but had gone because work colleagues had wanted them to, or had
put pressure on them to come

None of the customers approached the researcher, and none seemed approachable

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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Corporate Membership

Although a popular perception of lap dance clubs is that they cater largely to
corporate businessmen, little evidence was found to substantiate this. Although
Spearmint Rhino provides a limousine service for selected city firms with membership, as

well as a number of other membership benefits such as discounts, people on expense
accounts tend to dominate the clientele base only on certain evenings

. Until 2000,

employees of ICAP, the inter-dealer broker, were able to claim lap-dancing services on
their expenses

Ten ‘city businesses’, including banks, stockbrokers and law firms, were contacted and
asked if the firm had corporate membership of any ‘Gentlemen’s Clubs’. None of the
firms admitted to doing so.

Journalists

Eight journalists who had written substantive features or news reports on lap-dancing
clubs for national UK publications were interviewed in order to supplement the

information gathered for the literature review and desk-based research. They
volunteered information on the following:

•

Links between one lap dancing chain and organised crime

•

Dancers offering sexual services

•

Sexual activity taking place on the premises between dancers and customers

•

Degrading behaviour of customers towards the dancers

J2 visited eleven clubs across the UK, and concluded that lap-dancing activities distort

the customers’ views of women.

The men would look at me with contempt, because set against the Barbie Dolls I
looked so unsexy. They would look at me as if I wasn’t a real woman (Interview,
July 2004).

All had either observed irregular activity at the clubs, or had been told of it by the
dancers or customers.

Within the terms in which the lap dancing industry has set itself up as respectable
it succeeds. If we measure respectability by the girls being pretty and earning OK
money, and the men being salaried, then it succeeds, but that’s not what makes
prostitution prostitution (J2).

The club owners in some cases are criminals with proven links...another question
is who is financing the global expansion of strip club brands, and are police
doing money laundering checks? Look at Rhino Prague: the world's first casino

All four customers were working on aspects of the King’s Cross Development, and were living away from home

Becky Barrow, 2003, ‘Lurid tales of drugs, bullying and sex in the City’, Daily Telegraph, June 28.

Richard Beales and David Wells, 2004, untitled, Financial Times, July 16.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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combined with a strip club. CO14 were worried about this in 2002, and now
Stringfellow has proposed it too! (J8).

A Front for Prostitution?

Much public disquiet about lap-dancing clubs stems from the belief held by some that
they are a front for prostitution. There has certainly been evidence of sexual services
being on offer, and carried out, in certain clubs.

An investigation by the Glasgow Herald found that women were dancing naked while

fondling their genitals, and making full body contact with customers, and that men
were stripping in the public bar showing their genitals in return for free drinks and
dances

Spearmint Rhino has been the subject of allegations of prostitution and unlawful
employment practices since it first opened almost five years ago. In 2002, an
undercover police operation found evidence that the "no touching" rule was being
breached. Two of the officers were offered sex with women at five hundred pounds for
thirty minutes in a private room

. The club subsequently hired a former police detective

to oversee security.

There is absolutely no prostitution allowed on the premises, but that’s not to say
that the girls don’t make private arrangements with customers to meet outside
the club. If they were found to be doing that, though, they’d be out (GS4).

A member of the IUSW explained one of the ways in which some dancers can feel
under pressure to provide sexual services:

If a girl is having sex for £5, the other girls get really pissed off because they then
have to do it for £5…and if one girl in a strip club is having sex, the others have to
do it to make money.

This study has revealed the complex process and set of conditions in which dancers

become more susceptible to requests or suggestions to sell sex. The lack of employment
rights, for some women the experience of accumulating debt, expectations of the
customers, fierce competition, and a link in public perceptions between lap dancer
and stripper/prostitute, create an overall climate where the selling and buying of sex on

the premises becomes more likely, as the diagram on the next page illustrates :

Iain Wilson And Billy Briggs, 2002,‘City powerless to act against lap-dance club’, Glasgow Herald, October 4.

Robert Verkaik, 2004, ‘Spearmint Rhino hires ex detective to clean up club’s act’, The Independent, April 29.

Neasa MacErlean , 2002, ‘Sexual union’, Observer, July 28.

Figure 1: X

Demand

•

Customers’

expectations

•

Reputation of clubs

•

Stag nights/men in

groups

•

Rumours

•

Risk taking

•

Can ‘pick and choose’

Conditions of work/employment

•

Self employed

•

Unstable/irregular hours

and shifts

•

Pay ‘rent’ to club

•

Income from private

dances

•

Saturated market/limited

demand

•

Debt allowed to
accumulate

•

Getting a reputation

•

Often no security
cameras or staff in the

private dance areas/VIP
rooms

•

A few offering sexual

services means pressure
on others

Prostitution, BUT:

•

Not official by club

•

Often arranged for

outside of venue

•

Can make women
responsible

In all of the clubs visited, there were indications that the dancers would attempt to
maximise their earnings by extracting as much as possible from each customer they
had contact with. A proportion of club owners, customers and dancers spoke of how
there are too many clubs/dancers and not enough customers, especially during early
evenings and mid-week. This, coupled with the high cost of ‘renting’ space in the club,

can contribute to the dancers feeling under significant pressure to earn enough
money to cover club fees and wages.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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There was also some evidence of pressure on the dancers from management to
create an impression of sexual availability. Several of the dancers interviewed stated
that a number of customers assume they will agree to provide sexual services. A lawyer

representing several lap-dancing clubs and chains in the UK also indicated that
management encouraged this state of affairs. In explaining how he defended one
London club against police claims that sexual services were being offered on the
premises, he said:

We said [to the magistrates at the court hearing] that the girls offering sexual
services were part of the act, the fantasy, with no following through. No one was
chased down the street. The police officers never did meet up with any girls.
That’s where they went wrong (Interview, August 2004).

Some dancers appeared to exploit the naivety of some of the customers in order to
ensure earning money. One example was a customer interviewed at Spearmint Rhino,
who explained that he asked a dancer for a private dance, but that two women

walked him through to the private area and both began to dance for him (LC1). He
was not asked how many dances he wished to purchase, nor informed when one
dance ‘ended’ and another one begun. After ten minutes, he was informed that he
had purchased four dances from two dancers, and therefore owed £160. He was later
told by the dancers that he also owed a £400 ‘hostess fee’, because the two women

had been talking to him at his table for one hour. Although the club does offer a
hostess service at £200 pounds an hour, club rules state that customers should be
asked after a period of approximately 20 minutes if they would like company for an
hour, during which the customer can request non-stop dancing. Alternatively, if the
customer is dining at the club, he can request the company of a dancer, for the same

hourly fee. A member of staff explained the club rules regarding hostess fees:

A girl can’t charge just for sitting with a customer. That’s what they expect to
happen anyway. Unless he calls her over and asks for hostessing, or agrees to it

when asked, then there is no charge for chatting. Besides, everything has to be
agreed between dancer and customer beforehand (Interview, August 2004).

LC1 said he had:

…no idea that I was going to be charged for the two girls talking to me. They
came over and struck up the conversation. I was with a colleague, not on my
own, but I couldn’t be rude and turn them away. Then they charge me £400 for
the privilege (LC1).

LC1 remembered that at the beginning of the conversation, one of the dancers had
told him she made “most [of her] money from hostessing” (LD2). The customer asked
what she meant and she replied, “like accompanying them to the restaurant. LC1
refused to pay the amount requested, but gave the dancers £40 each when they

complained that this was the only money they were likely to earn all night because,
“there are too many girls in this evening” (LD3).

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At the Flying Scotsman there was evidence of dancers and customers making
arrangements to meet outside the venue. During the course of the visit, two customers
left with a dancer after spending time talking in the venue. One customer said that:

Now that the police are clamping down on kerb crawlers it’s easier to come in
here and pick up a bird. Some of them used to work the Cross, but come here
now, because it’s the same punters. Everyone knows you can get one here

(LC4).

A poster was displayed in the pub entrance warning customers of the presence of
undercover police officers targeting customers kerb crawling in the King’s Cross area.

One customer stated that the venue had previously had trouble with men attempting
to procure younger dancers into prostitution. Pointing to a man who had been at the
venue for approximately three hours, he said:

Look at him. He’s at it. I’ve seen him before and he is always after the young
ones. Every one knows he’s a pimp (LC3).

There was evidence from the interviews with dancers and customers of sexual services
being available in all four clubs in Glasgow, and at The Flying Scotsman in London.

Two dancers, from Diamond Dolls and Seventh Heaven, said the main reason why some
of the dancers might either offer sexual services, or agree to provide them, is debt,
rather than a desire to make large amounts of money. Many of the dancers initially
decided to start working in lap-dancing clubs because they had been told that it was

lucrative. Two of the women said they had been told by club owners and other
dancers that they could earn in excess of three hundred pounds per shift.

All of the dancers interviewed for this study insisted they did not offer sexual services but

admitted there were women who were known to be willing. One explained, “The
problem is that once you say ‘yes’, it becomes impossible to then say ‘no’. The
managers know it goes on, but pretend they don’t. The bouncers are told to turn a
blind eye” (GD1).

Approximately half of the customers in Glasgow came to the club looking for sex. Four
of the regular visitors claimed they had had sex with a dancer on the premises, and a
further two said they had arranged liaisons outside of the club with the dancers by
swapping mobile telephone numbers.

GD 3 claimed that home visits were only available to regulars who were known and
trusted by the dancers and management, and yet one customer was offered one on
the first visit (GC4), as was one customer on his second visit. “Twenty pounds for a
couple of dances is enough to spend for me” he said, “but I keep being stung for a

home visit and a VIP session by one or two of the girls” (GC2).

There was no evidence of the selling of sexual services in Spearmint Rhino, London, on
the premises. The three dancers interviewed were all adamant that the VIP suite was

only there to ensure that particularly solvent customers had additional opportunities to

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spend money. However, all three claimed that there were some dancers who offered
sexual services to customers, and that customers regularly asked if ‘extras’ were on
offer. One dancer explained that management had given the women strict warnings

about their personal conduct with the customers in the light of public scrutiny.

We were told that undercover police are in here three times a week, because of
the investigation last year. Also, that there are journalist posing as customers

trying to catch us out. So no way can we offer extras. We just give our numbers
to them if they look rich enough, and meet them later (LD1).

Another dancer explained how she would seek to prolong the interest of customers so
they would continue to pay for private dances, or accompany her to the VIP suit for an

even higher cost.

There was also evidence that some of the dancers were involved in coercing money
from customers. During the visit to Spearmint Rhino, two dancers, whose interviews

lasted roughly one hour, later asked to be paid £200 for the ‘hostess fee’. When the
club was telephoned after the visit to check the prices of various services, the member
of staff spoken to stated that:

If you find a girl you really like, and you want to stay with her for an hour, you

agree with the girl, and then it’s £200 per hour, but that’s continuous dancing for
the guy.

The member of staff was asked if the women were allowed to charge for just sitting and
chatting, without making a prior arrangement, to which she replied, “no, no, no,

definitely not” (Telephone conversation, July 2004).

As outlined in one study (Egan, 2003) focusing on the centrality of fantasy and illusion in
the dancer-customer relationship, many of the dancers are aware that their role is to

allude to the possibility of a sexual encounter with the customer. As one dancer
explained:

Customers want to be charmed into thinking I want to have sex with them, that’s
why they come here rather than go to a brothel. In a brothel it’s a straight cash

transaction. Here, there’s the illusion that we find the men attractive. So they stay
until they can persuade us to go out with them on a date, which we don’t (LD2).

In conclusion, there was evidence that sexual services were on offer from some of the

dancers in some of the clubs. The approach that seems to be adopted by some
security staff, and the reassurance by club managers to the police and other authorities
that any dancer found to be offering or engaging in sexual services means that the
dancers are held totally responsible for these activities. So long as club managers assure
the police and others that any dancer found to be offering or engaging in sexual

services will be dismissed, places the onus for behaviour onto the dancer. At the same
time, the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors for the dancers outlined in the illustration above
remain in place. Whilst both these conditions exist, it is likely that some lap dance clubs
will continue to ‘facilitate’, albeit in a surreptitious manner, the provision of sexual

services.

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8. Clubs in Context

Widespread opposition to lap-dancing clubs has been voiced by a number of
agencies and from a range perspectives, including women’s organisations, law
enforcers and residents’ associations/members of the public.

There is also support for such clubs from individuals, for example, those using the club
facilities

, and bodies such as the UK Network of Sex Work Projects

(UKNSWP) and the

Scottish Prostitutes Education Project

(SCOTPEP). A representative from UKNSWP said:

We do not think lap dancing is demeaning to women per se. If the women are
informed as to the type of establishment lap dance clubs are, and chose to work
in them, then it’s OK (Interview, August 2004).

Neighbours and Neighbourhoods

In order to gain a ‘snapshot’ sense of public opinion, a total of 20 individuals were
polled outside three lap-dance clubs: Seventh Heaven and The Truffle Club in Glasgow,

and Spearmint Rhino

, London. Three-quarters (n=15) said they would rather not work

or live in an area near a lap-dancing club. A range of reasons were given, including: “I
do not want to see scantily clad girls on my way home”; “I think it is demeaning to
women”; and “I do not want stag nights taking over the town centre”. Almost one-
quarter said they did not mind (n=4) and one did not know there was a club in the

area.

All those polled near Seventh Heaven were negative about the club’s presence. One
respondent said that customers leaving the premises had propositioned his partner

outside it. Another had observed a bouncer having a ‘fierce row’ with a customer
outside the club. Of those spoken to outside The Truffle Club, only one was uncritical,
saying that the club’s existence had “improved night life” (GP10).

One woman questioned worked in a restaurant near Spearmint Rhino until

approximately 1am five nights a week. She walked past the club on her journey home,
and said:

I always feel intimidated by the club and the customers coming in and out. I

have been insulted by them, and even the bouncers sometimes. The men in
groups are the worst. One of the young waitresses was flashed at by a stag
group (LP5).

Another respondent lived in the block of flats above Spearmint Rhino.

This includes customers, staff, and those linked to the business, such as breweries, advertising agencies, dancers’

agents and the dancers themselves. However, a number of the dancers were critical of lap-dance clubs, and some
were ambiguous.

A non-profit, voluntary association of agencies and individuals working with people in prostitution.

Scottish Prostitutes Education Project, based in Edinburgh.

Spearmint Rhino is the only club among those visited that is situated next to residential housing.

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I would not have bought the flat if I had realised the level of disruption the club
would cause. The noise is unbearable (LP2).

One described his embarrassment at living so close to the club.

I don’t invite my friends back very often, as they are always commenting on how
tacky the club is, and suggesting it is my local (LP3).

Glasgow Chamber of Commerce

The Glasgow clubs are all in the city centre, and are located close to businesses but not

residential dwellings. The Chamber of Commerce (CoC) has objected to the opening
of all four clubs, on the grounds that their presence will have an adverse effect on
Glasgow’s image, and negatively affect trade.

In May 2003, Glasgow CoC conducted a snapshot survey of fifty-two city centre
businesses and found that three-quarters (n=39) believed that lap-dancing clubs would
damage the reputation of the city. The survey also showed that almost half (n=19) of
respondents were concerned about the safety of their staff in the vicinity of the clubs.

In a press release marking the publication of the survey, CoC chief executive stated:
“The results of this survey bear out my initial opinion that such businesses could be
counter-productive to the image of the entire city centre.

” The current Policy

Manager at the CoC noted: “Businesses in Glasgow do not want lap dancing clubs in
their city. They attract the wrong kind of business, and keep the right kind away”

(Interview, May 2004).

London Businesses

A small telephone poll of four local London Chambers of Commerce, affiliated to the
wider London CoC, revealed that they had received no complaints from members
regarding lap-dancing clubs. However, a representative of a London business
membership organisation

confirmed that it “does not have any lap-dancing clubs in

membership and our board reserves the right to refuse membership to any
organisations without giving reason”.

Media Coverage

Since the advent of the first club opening in the UK, the press, both tabloid and
broadsheet, has taken a significant interest in lap-dancing clubs. As with much press
reporting, the focus of the articles and news items seems to be polarised, with opinion

divided between those who consider lap-dancing clubs unproblematic, and those
condemning them. The main reasons that have been put forward for not opposing the
clubs are:

•

It is not prostitution, but ‘entertainment’

Press release dated 5 June 2003.

This organisation wishes to remain anonymous.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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•

The women work in a nice environment, and are there freely

•

The customers are a ‘better class’ than in some other clubs

•

It is ‘good, clean fun’

The main reasons advanced in opposition to them are:

•

They overlap with/are a front for prostitution

•

They encourage men to sexually objectify women

•

People/other businesses do not want the clubs in their area

•

Lap dancing is demeaning to women, and can encourage sexual
violence/abuse

Much of the coverage in the tabloids, and, to a lesser extent, the broadsheets, can be
described as salacious and focuses primarily on the dancers. There have been,
however, a small number of reports and features, identified for the purposes of this
study, that could be considered thought provoking and informative, for example

because they provide factual evidence based on interviews with those working in and
visiting the clubs.

NGOs

In Glasgow, women’s groups that focus on violence and exploitation are united in their
critique of lap dancing clubs, believing them to constitute exploitation of women

. The

Women’s Support Project (WSP) said it is regularly contacted by members of the public
concerned about the effect the clubs are having on their city. The coordinator

explained:

Women avoid the areas where the clubs are. There’s a very popular pub near
one of them that my friends and me used to go to regularly, but since the club

opened I haven’t been back since. There are tales of groups of drunken men
who are all fired up to sexually humiliate women, so we don’t want to bear the
brunt of it.” WSP also have anecdotal evidence of women being moved around
the country to work in different clubs, in order to fill spaces created by the
transient nature of the business (Interview, May 2004).

One woman who contacted the WSP expressed her concerns about her daughter who
had recently started work at one of the clubs, saying that her biggest worry was that
her daughter might be sexually assaulted. She told the support worker that, “If she were

to be, who would believe that she didn’t ask for it? She works in a lap-dancing club,
which everyone knows is like prostitution”.

Some members of the lesbian and gay communities in the North East of England have
also expressed concern over the atmosphere created by lap-dancing clubs in areas

where gays and lesbians socialise. The Gay and Lesbian Matrix in Newcastle formally
objected to an application for a license to open a club in the gay area of the city,
arguing that activities in the club could provoke homophobia. Gay business owners

The Scottish Coalition Against Sexual Exploitation was formed in 2004 out of concern regarding the expansion of the

‘acceptable face’ of the sex industry, namely lap dancing clubs.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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expressed concern that opening a club that could be viewed as ‘aggressively
heterosexual’ might discourage lesbian and gay people from visiting the area, and that
that single women in the area might encounter harassment from people visiting the

club. A spokesperson for the group told Newcastle's licensing magistrate, "It's an area
that attracts gay people from all over the country every night of the week and they feel
safe there. This would put that in jeopardy"

The Scottish Coalition Against Sexual Exploitation (SCASE), which brings together
organisations and individuals in Scotland who share a concern about the
harm caused by sexual exploitation of women

, also objects to the presence of lap-

dancing clubs. SCASE considers the normalisation and expansion of the sex industry to
be harmful to women in general.

We view lap dancing as being part of a spectrum of commercial sexual
exploitation which contributes to a culture in which women are viewed as
objects available for the sexual gratification of men. We would argue that

commercial sexual exploitation, which includes lap dancing, pornography and
prostitution, is inextricably linked with both the prevalence and the acceptability
of sexual violence within our society. Any work around sexual violence must have
as its objective the eradication of rape, and we will not achieve this until we
tackle the root causes of this violence: namely men's attitudes to women, and

society's tolerance and encouragement of these attitudes (Correspondence,
2004).

In England, women’s groups that have been proactive in their opposition to lap-
dancing clubs are the Lillith Project, OBJECT and the Sheffield Women’s Forum, all of

which were contacted for the purposes of this study.

A representative of the Sheffield Women’s Forum, which conducted a straw poll of
women in the city centre near to where a lap-dancing club had recently opened and

advertised, stated that:

In general, women in Sheffield do not want these clubs in their city, and nor do
they want to walk past the billboards advertising the clubs using naked women.
There’s enough pornography around as it is (Interview, May 2004).

OBJECT, which describes itself as ‘challenging the portrayal of women as sexual
objects’

, is critical of lap-dancing establishments because they “encourage the

normalisation of pornography and misogyny (Interview, May 2004).

Little work has been done in the UK on the prevalence and nature of lap-dancing
clubs, or the social consequences of them, and yet there has been significant criticism

Ben Townley, 2004, ‘Newcastle gay bars fight lap dancing venue’, Gay.com UK, 4 February.

The following groups and organisations are affiliated: Women's Support Project; Rape Crisis Scotland; Glasgow Rape

Crisis; Glasgow Women’s Aid; East Lothian Women’s Aid; Dumfries and Stewarty Womens Aid;
East Dumbartsonshire Womens Aid; Glasgow Simon Community; WISE Women; Womens Rights Education; Network Open
Secret; Gartnavel Hospital Adolescent Unit; Quarriers Reach Out Project; Quarriers Family Resource Project; Routes out of
Prostitution; SAY Women; Base 75; SWAP Project; Polepark Family Services; Rape and Sexual Assault North East; Edinburgh
CC Equalities Unit; plus a number of individuals.

http://freespace.virgin.net/object.objects/.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
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9. Conclusions

This study on lap dancing is the first of its kind in the UK. It is based on observations within
six clubs in Glasgow and London, and interviews with dancers, customers, club owners
and others with various degrees of involvement in, or knowledge of, the ‘lap-dance

industry’.

It can be concluded, from the body of evidence obtained from dancers, club owners,
customers and police officers, as well as general observations during club visits, that
some lap-dance club owners and managers create a context in which the buying and

selling of sexual services may occur. As described in this report, club owners tend to
absolve themselves of any responsibility if sexual services are found to be on occurring
or being arranged on the premises, yet at the same time there is some indication that
they encourage the dancers to project an air of sexual availability to customers. By

making it difficult for the dancers to earn an adequate living legitimately, through
requiring the payment of ‘rent’ for each shift worked in the clubs, and by hiring excess
numbers of dancers at any one time, club owners and managers also create a series of
structural conditions that can lead some dancers to offer sexual services in order to
survive financially. This is not to say that there is evidence of significant numbers of

dancers engaging in prostitution activities, but that the clubs are run in a way that both
implicitly encourages the customers to seek sexual services from the dancers, and
means that some dancers will offer them.

On the basis of information provided by dancers and customers in particular, it could

be argued that activities within lap-dancing clubs are in direct contradiction with
attempts to promote equality between men and women, and could contribute to
hindering further progress in this area. During the course of this study, there were
instances where customers were observed sexually objectifying and exploiting dancers.

The way that lap-dance clubs are organised, and the conditions that the dancers
operate in, appear to reinforce gender inequality, and normalise men’s sexual
objectification of women.
Although occasionally female customers attend the clubs with male partners

, the

clubs cater for a male clientele. No entertainment is provided other than stripping,

whether pole dancing, cabaret performances or private lap dances. The predominant
sight within the club is of semi-naked women pole dancing, sitting with customers or
mingling with other dancers in the club area. Women’s breasts are constantly on
display. It could be argued, therefore, that the clubs should be viewed and licensed as

sex establishments and subject to the same controls.

In opposing licensing applications for such clubs, Glasgow City Council is taking a stand
against one of the most ‘normalised’ and veiled sections of the commercial sex sector.

This study concludes the following main points:

•

Contrary to the opinion of club owners interviewed for the purposes of this study,
lap-dancing clubs can be seen as part of the sex industry

During the six visits only two female customers were observed in one of the clubs.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
London Metropolitan University

•

Lap dancing is becoming increasingly normalised

•

Activities within the clubs can be seen as detrimental to gender equality

•

The buying and selling of sexual services does occur in some lap-dance clubs

•

Current licensing conditions appear inadequate

•

Working conditions and terms of employment of lap dancers are inadequate
and problematic

•

There is strong evidence that dancers can suffer humiliation and sexual

harassment on a regular basis, from customers and staff/management

•

There is a strong public lobby opposing lap-dance clubs in the UK and elsewhere

•

Many dancers begin working in lap-dance clubs through lack of real choice

•

The requirement for dancers to ‘glamour model’ to advertise the club, and the
evidence that some customers take covert photographs of the dancers whilst

naked, suggests links between lap-dancing clubs and pornography

In order to address the main issues raised, the following recommendations should be
considered.

Recommendations

•

Local authorities/governments should be given greater powers in relation to

licensing

•

The clubs should be licensed under the same conditions as sex shops

•

The numbers of licenses granted should be restricted

•

Licensing conditions should be applied to advertising of the clubs and related
activities

•

Specific licensing conditions should be introduced to address issues of
employment practice and working conditions for the dancers

•

Licensing, codes of conduct for dancers and club rules/conditions should be
regularised

•

The rules of the club and the licence should be prominently displayed in all lap
dance venues, including at the entrance and on tables and bar areas

•

Clubs should be subject to regular, obligatory checks by undercover police
officers

•

Dancers’ ‘rent’ payment to management should be abolished

•

VIP suites and curtained areas should be eradicated

•

CCTV coverage should be introduced throughout the performance, including in
the seating areas

•

Central governments should fund research on the social consequences of

commercial sexual exploitation, which should include lap dancing

•

Central governments should fund public awareness campaigns on sexual
exploitation

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
London Metropolitan University

10. Bibliography

Bernard, C, DeGabrielle, C, Cartier, L, Monk-Turner, E, Phil, C, Sherwood, J and Tyree, T
(2003) Exotic Dancers: Gender Differences in Societal Reaction, Subculture Ties, and
Conventional Support, Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice, Old Dominion

University.

British Sociological Association (1994) Statement Of Ethical Practice, available online at
http://www.staffs.ac.uk/schools/humanities_and_soc_sciences/sociology/doingsoc/eth
gu2.htm (accessed August 13, 2004).

Bruckert, C, Parent, C, Robitaille, P (2003) Erotic Service/Erotic Dance Establishments:
Two Types of Marginalized Labour, Department of Criminology, University of Ottowa.

Deshotels, T (2003) Informing the Debate on Sex Work: What do Exotic Dancers Like?,
available online at http://garnet.acns.fsu.edu (accessed August 13, 2004).

Dickson, (2003), Sex in the City: Mapping Commercial Sex Across London, The Poppy
Project, Eaves Housing.

Egan, RD (2003) I’ll be Your Fantasy Girl, If You’ll be My Money Man: Mapping Desire,
Fantasy and Power in Two Exotic Dance Clubs, Journal for the Psychoanalysis of Culture
and Society, 8 (1): 109-120.

Egan, RD (2003) Eroticism, Commodification and Gender: Exploring Exotic Dance in the
United States, Sexualities, 6(1): 105-114.

Frank, K (2003) Just trying to relax: masculinity, masculinizing practices, and strip club

regulars, Journal of Sex Research, 40(1): 61-75.

Gantt, JM (2002) Exotic Dancing: Illusion and Fantasy, an Exotic Dancers Path to Power,
Senior Thesis, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Illinois State University.

Herrera, CD (1999) Two Arguments for 'covert methods' in social research, British Journal
of Sociology, 50 (2): 331-343.

Holsopple, K (1998) Stripclubs According to Strippers: Exposing Workplace

Sexual Violence, available online at http://www.uri.edu/artsci/wms/hughes/stripc1.htm
(accessed August 13, 2004).

Jones, P, Shears, P and Hillier, D (2003), Retailing and the regulatory state: a case study
of lap dancing clubs in the UK, International Journal of Retail & Distribution

Management, 31, (4): 214-219.

Lewis, M (2002) Strip Joints – What Women REALLY think, Sheffield Women's Forum.

Lillith Project (2003) Report on Lap Dancing and Striptease in the Borough of Camden.

Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit
London Metropolitan University

11. APPENDIX 1

LONDON METROPOLITAN UNIVERSITY CHILD AND WOMEN ABUSE STUDIES UNIT

The Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit (CWASU), University of North London (now

London Metropolitan University) was founded in 1987, to develop feminist research
methodologies, theory and practice, especially in relation to connections between
forms of sexualised violence. CWASU now has a national and international reputation
for its research, training and consultancy work, which involves a creative combination
of large and small scale research projects, training, policy development and

networking, bridging the worlds of academia, policy, practice and activism. The Unit
has completed over 30 research project’s. Recently completed projects include:

•

An evaluation of a programme for domestic violence perpetrators

•

A review of current practice on sex offender registration and community notification
funded by several national children’s charities

•

With colleagues at three UK universities, a study investigating children’s
understandings and experiences of domestic violence funded by the ESRC

•

The first contemporary investigation of trafficking of women into the UK for the

purposes of sexual exploitation funded by the Home Office

•

A self training manual on violence against women funded by the Council of
European Police and Human Rights Programme

•

An overview of sexual exploitation of children in Europe funded by the European
Commission’s STOP programme

•

A study of attrition in reported rape cases in Europe funded by the European
Commission’s DAPHNE programme

•

A review of research of the investigation and prosecution of rape cases
commissioned by the Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate.

Professor Liz Kelly, CBE, Director of the Unit, chaired a Council of Europe Group of
Specialists on combating violence against women and girls and was a member of the
external advisory group for the Home Office Sex Offences Review. She is currently a
member of the Metropolitan Police Independent Advisory Group on serious sexual

offences and an academic consultant to the European Women’s Lobby observatory
on violence against women. The units are special advisors to the British Council on
violence against women and are the seminar directors for their international seminars
on violence against women. In this role they have delivered training and consultancy

to governmet and NGO’s in a range of countries including Bangladesh, Bulgaria,
Ethiopia, Ghana, Jordan, India, Malaysia, Mexico, Spain and Uganda. CWASU staff
have spoken at numerous national and international conferences.

Julie Bindel has been involved in the field of violence against women since 1980, as a

campaigner, trainer, writer and researcher. She has worked on projects funded by the
UK government’s, Department for International Development and the Home Office, as
well as European bodies. Julie has designed and implemented training on child
protection, rape, prostitution, trafficking of human beings, best practice in social work

and sexual violence in conflict situations. Julie was a member of the European

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